to their faces, would they blush not, for morals disgraced, truth defamed, and reason dishonoured? Such apostacy from good feeling, affords a splendid display of the refined policy of Machiavelli, or Philip d'Egalité; and we may justly exclaim with Lucretius, O miseras hominum mentes, O pectora cæca! -if not too offensive to their dignity! Here, indeed, we might follow the example of Diogenes in another form; and although such luminaries obtain the concurrent applause of the open-mouthed and unthinking multitude, request that the bright lamp of their new light might not eclipse the unassuming splendor of a mixed constitution, undazzled by the rays of power on the one hand, and unintoxicated by the narcotic influence of licentiousness on the other! Such is the rational spirit of political,-of extended representative rights and correct feeling to be fostered, for national benefit, rather than the formation of that conventional power in the state, which cannot possibly remain long co-existent with constitutional or even equitable government.

A self-created popular power, assuming an irresponsible and undefined course of action, for the alleged purpose of watching the progress of political events, which must necessarily be entirely contingent on circumstances, whilst there exists a responsible executive, and an independent legislative body in the state, one branch of which is created by the entire people; is the most monstrous anomaly in government, ever attempted to be justified or upheld by any man, or set of men, under Heaven, save the conventional democrats, who were the active members of the former republican clubs of Paris. Can it be possible, that the men who support such views are esteemed by any considerable portion of the really informed people of England, in the nineteenth century, as worthy to be treated with that confidential deference, that becoming and consistent respect, which should at once be the

due and the support of those who have assumed the ostensible station, the fearful responsibility of British legislators?

It was remarked by the historian Hume, nearly a century back, whose impartiality on this head, at all events, will not be much questioned, that there was then "lately sprung up amongst us, a set of men who endeavour to distinguish themselves, by ridiculing every thing that has hitherto appeared sacred and venerable in the eyes of mankind. Reason, society, honour, friendship, marriage, are the perpetual subjects of their insipid railleries." With how far greater justice, can the complaint be made at this period of our national progression! That was but the dawn of those dark principles, the progress of which undermined, in their insidious course, the foundation of every thing worthy of estimation in religion and ethics; whilst their influence, politically, invaded the strongest safeguards of state security; until the total loss of public virtue and private duty, let loose the baser passions, which, under the guise of revolutionary freedom, deluged Europe with human blood! With our own country, the war of principle, under a strict sense of duty, was first arrayed against the war of infidelity; and although subsequently protracted to a period for which humanity must shudder, and Christianity repine, Britain triumphed nationally; but the poison of the upas tree of Scepticism had been freely tasted by a portion of her inhabitants; and its effects were not dispelled even by the blessings of peace. The times have assuredly not improved in moral sentiment, although they may have progressed in speculative wisdom, and utopian notions of popular felicity, to be obtained solely through the medium of an enlarged sphere of popular representation! Vain calculations! whilst virtue is neglected in the state; for, to the topics enumerated by Hume, may be added the sacred duties of religion, by the now dominant or mouvement party, not considered

to be essential to good government,-the sanctioning prospects of futurity, and the truly needful obligations which bind society together. True it is, that real religion may not require the sustaining aid of human politics; but it is equally certain there will be no correct politics, unless established by religious influence or authority. It was well observed by Saurin, that human laws, to however perfect or high a degree of refinement they might have been carried, always showed the infirmity of those who framed them! "Les lois humaines ne sauroient suppléer à la religion à quelque degré de perfection qu'on les ait portées; elles se ressentent toujours de l'infirmité de ceux qui les ont données." The baneful influence of free principles has not been merely limited in its operation to the lower orders, but it has been suffered to guide the opinion of a portion of the gentry, and from them gradually extended itself to some few members of the aristocracy, who cannot possibly have considered the consequences to themselves and the entire community. If one section of the peers of England have not approached the subject of reform, with that promptitude and nice discrimination which its importance requires; but paying a blind veneration to antiquated customs, and fostering a timid retention of admitted abuses, lest greater evils might accrue, have neglected to extend their views to the whole framework of civilized society, or the altered circumstances of the times,—on the other hand, the minority of that highly influential body in the state, have neglected to check, with statesman-like virtue, and firmness of purpose, the indiscriminate zeal for extensive innovations, which has in a great measure arisen from partial conceptions and unfounded conclusions. The want of candid explanation, and due consideration on the part of the upper classes themselves, who have the leisure and the means of ascertaining the real cause of state evils, has of itself materially conduced to render poli

tical science the truly hazardous, or even dangerous speculation, it has eventually become in this kingdom. The public conduct of some few amongst the newly created peers has, indeed, been sufficient of itself to degrade, if not debase, the entire order to which they have become attached. If hereditary orders were worthy of acceptance, surely they are worthy of preservation, or there is no reason or consistency in human nature, even for the needful sustenance of family interests, and becoming reputation. Les grands noms abaissent, au lieu d'elever ceux qui ne les savent pas soutenir ! This may be taken as a fundamental axiom: for honours and titles, however high and distinguished, if disgraced by the ignorant behaviour of their possessors, only more forcibly lessen the claim to respect and confidence,—real patriotic virtue, rather than a Coat of Arms, is the fairer ensign of nobility!

Having taken, as a position, that discretion is the true source of power, according to the fine view assumed by Lord Bacon, and the result of real knowledge, it becomes us calmly to inquire, in what portion of the people this very essential quality is most likely to be found. As regards the progress which may yet be made in political philosophy, in reference to the general principles of government, or the reform of established systems, and removal of abuses which have crept in, we may possibly draw a rational inference from what has occurred in the science of physics, since the period when that great genius lived and wrote; for it cannot be argued, that moral philosophy has advanced in equal ratio. Of Bacon, with truth it may be said, a man he was, recondita scientiæ, et ad salutem literarum natus. In his day the science of physics was in a much more circumscribed state than we have reason to hope political philosophy is at present. A long series of chimeras had, until then, amused and deluded mankind, the mist of which has gradually been dispelled, until

rationality has assumed the chair, where dogmatical ignorance had long sat in undisputed possession; but the non-intelligent and uneducated, can no more understand political economy, than the unlettered can comprehend the mysteries of physiology, or physics, which are deducible therefrom.

Political objects and discussions are necessarily fettered with many obstructions, from which the preceding science ever will be free,—one is far more easily reducible to practice than the other. These circumstances confirm the positive necessity for our proceeding with caution, and in conformity with the rules of deliberative inquiry, in a given ratio with the number of speculative schemes, which are perpetually engendered and brought forth; for no unbiassed man will deny, that speculation in politics has not as much taken possession of the minds of one portion of the good people of England, as well as speculation in trade or commerce, has engrossed the attention of the other. Reflective moderation will alone enable us to elucidate the objects to be attained for permanent popular advantage, and to adapt their operation to the conception of ordinary capacities: and this is the only consistent diffusion of knowledge, which is at once compatible with the true interests and liberties of the people at large, and the security of religion, combined with the assurance of good government in the State. Such rules," said the great philosopher, "do in some sort equalize themselves to men's wits, and have an advantage, or pre-eminence, with the perfect and excellent motions of the Spirit!"

Whilst the balance of power can be preserved in the state, the ambition of dangerous and designing levellers may be successfully kept in check; but that once broken, the security for repose will be ephemeral indeed. The entire subversion of the liberties and constitution of Rome, was owing to the impunity with which a few leading men carried forward their