Infatuated with the plausible principles of political science, introduced by the liberal French writers, and urged on by pseudo philosophers, an un-English spirit has obtained; and

England and the English," appear no longer what they were, they have embraced the shadow, and trodden under foot the substance, in the vain hope of attaining perfection in the art and science of government; and of extending civil liberty, by sapping the very foundation of freedom itself!

In former times, when English Noblemen and English Gentlemen returned from their travels, they found inexpressible pleasure in descanting on the privileges—the general happiness-the independent liberal Institutions, and the tolerant, unexceptionable Religion of their native land! Alas! the taste of modern days, with few exceptions, is to return, but to despoil-to demoralize-to dissatisfy-to deprave-to destroy! Thus, England, like ancient Rome, in the day of her decadence, no longer "stands upon her ancient morals." The writings of Byron, however original and highly ima ginative his genius, and captivating his style, have essentially contributed to the encouragement of a vitiated taste, a decided penchant for immorality in letters—a disrelish for things truly recherchées; and those simple, but sublime truths, which convey to the human mind the attributes-the benefits, and the necessity for Religion, or even high moral feeling in the State, extending to the reading world, and to what is figuratively termed "the circles of fashionable life"-mais, nous verrons la suite,-folly will have its end; and national irreligion bring with it, as it has ever done, its own punishment! The occasional beauties and popular fame of the refined Freethinker, have encouraged a host of aspiring

adventurers for literary fame, and for political purposes, to follow in his wake; and although they may fairly be put in comparison with the satellites of Jupiter to their Planet, they attract the notice of the giddy, the weak-minded, and the mediocre, in mental cultivation; and the support of the advocates of revolutionary designs. Thus, the "splendid novels" -the tales of fiction and romance-the honey-flavoured vehicles for conveying the insidious poison of infidelity, under a palatable and enchanting form, are, in too many instances, puffed into notice by reviewers, without due regard either to candour or discretion. The classic poet', who has so feelingly depicted the fond attachment to native country, inherent in mankind, must have founded his opinion of human taste and sympathy on a different race of beings;—were he now on earth, alas! he would find, that the march of refinement has destroyed the virtuous chivalry-the inflexible constancy -the patriotic and kindred attachments, composing that sterling principle, to which he attached so much value; and would behold its place supplanted by the inverse rules of logic, and the opposing creeds in morals !

The accompanying object, (as the title implies,) having been expressly undertaken, for the twofold purpose of illustrating the origin and true foundation of civil government, in this Christian State, and of the causes which led to the institution of an hereditary Nobility, in connexion therewith; it has been necessary to have recourse both to sacred and profane history. Every one, the least acquainted with the Old Testament, and its historical description of the Jewish institutions, must admit, from the birth of Cain and Abel to the

destruction of the old world by the flood, and the renewal of God's covenant with Noah and his Sons, the establishment of an Aristocracy in the first-born, constituting the patriarchal feud, consequent upon the expressed pleasure of the Creator himself, and only lost to the race of Cain, by an act of murder, and transferred to the line of Seth" for perpetual generations." It is, therefore, unnecessary here to refer more fully to that, which the Bible, the standard of every Christian's knowledge, every where furnishes, both with regard to the theocracy of the Jews, and their kingly, or moral form of government.

By way of contemporary illustration, of the antiquity of an institution of honour, from which all heraldic emblems have been derived, the history of the ancient Persian Empire, partly supported by Scripture testimony, informs us, that Darius was a noble Satrap of Persia, son of Hystaspes, who conspired with six other Nobles, of the same nation, to destroy Smerdis, who had usurped the crown of Persia, after the death of Cambyses; and that on the destruction of the usurper, the seven noble conspirators agreed amongst themselves, that he whose horse first neighed, should be appointed king. -This was literally fulfilled; for the horse of Darius is stated to have neighed, on passing a certain spot, before sun-rise, whereupon, the remaining six nobles descended from their horses and saluted Darius king. The classic historians of Greece and Rome, including Flavius Josephus, who especially relates his own noble descent, have thus given, under its characteristic definition, the early precedent of a Nobility, immediately connected with the rule of civil government. This paved the way for the elucidation of those objects, which in Chapters,

IV. and V. of this work, are more particularly unfolded, in the epitomised account given of the rise, progress, and decline, of the Grecian and Roman empires, selected for the sustenance of the premises.

The relative position of the English Peerage, in connexion with a constitutional monarchy, the safety of the State, and the interests of the people at large, form the basis of the subject, and its various appendages, discussed in the succeeding pages. It embraces indeed a weighty question, whether viewed in the abstract, or taken in the whole, under its multifarious bearings, connected with the fundamental interests of this Protestant kingdom; and the efforts now making, by a powerful party, to supplant the monarchy itself, by a republican institution, and, with a second, by separating the Protestant Religion from the State, introducing that of the Papacy, and its absolute dominion, in exchange for free government. The outline is presented, and the candid inquiring reader referred, wherever it appears necessary, to those standard authorities, ancient and modern, to whose research, penetration, and general learning, the author is indebted, for, whatever may appear valuable in historical narration, state policy, or legal opinion, and worthy of estimation in the conclusions he has drawn.

At no former period of our history, has the necessity for a comprehensive view of our entire social system, on a scale though limited, yet sufficiently sustained to support the object, been so emergent, as in the present age of speculation in systems of government, and general politics, termed popular. The entire basis of the English monarchy,—the antiquity of the connexion of Christianity, with the supreme

"lex suprema

government or authority of the law,-the juratum," established for many centuries in these kingdoms, its corresponding recognition, and the important changes (in principle and practice) proposed to be made therein, were subjects of no ordinary moment to be considered in the discussion. Without the establishment of a sound principle of rule and action, under a governing head, or responsible trustees, as a foundation to build upon, no system of human policy could have been devised of a safe, permanent, or just character, adapted to sustain the political interests, and to promote the protective happiness of mankind, in a large or opulent community of free citizens: and true it is, that the general history of our favoured country, presents a narration of incidents, highly elucidatory of the progressive advances made in civilization and national improvement, the progress of general literature—the arts and sciences, and the advantages resulting from extension of commercial intercourse with foreign nations, as we have been propelled forward on the stream of time, increasing our temporal wealth and its possessions.

The perfect establishment of a constitutional and limited monarchy, as well as the modification of our code of general legislation, are sufficiently recorded in our parliamentary proceedings, and commented upon by our most eminent law authorities, ancient and modern; but the key-stone of the political arch, on which the admired superstructure has been raised and upheld,-the connecting link of the entire chain, has not been sufficiently understood nor dwelt upon,-nor its value and high state importance dilucidated, with reference to the sacred contract with religion-the covenant existing between King, Government, and People, in general publica

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