on the lake, and the canal has been dug which brings these big ships from Lake Huron to our waters, and since so many men have come to seek the copper, it is all over with the Ojibbeways. Their strength is broken, and they have lost their memory; their tribes have melted away; their chiefs have no longer a voice in the council; their wise men and priests have no good dreams, and the old women forget their fine stories and fables.

As anything we could say after this characteristic lament of the old laudatrix temporis arti would appear tame, we will stop, though not from paucity of material. We hope before long to meet with M. Kohl again, and describe to our readers his adventures on even a more untrodden path than the one on which we have now followed him.

CHADWICK'S LIFE OF DE FOE.*

It is not every month in the year, much less every day in the week, that one meets with an author so distinguished as De Foe's new biographer, for accurate learning, consummate taste, the most engaging modesty, and the most attractive style. To our shame be it owned, we had never heard of Mr. William Chadwick before we opened this book, and yet he has been "a writer on political questions for thirty years.' How true, and sad withal, is that line of Henry Taylor's,

The world knows nothing of its greatest men!

Let us do something at least by way of amende honorable for this protracted ignorance; and how can that be done better than by letting our author speak for himself?

His beautiful superiority to egotism may be inferred from a passage or two like the following: "I have been a tile-maker myself, and almost as successful as De Foe, but the Dutch did not ruin my trade. I have surrounding my tilery ten thousand acres of rich land, wanting draining, and I sell in one year as many tiles as will drain seventy or eighty acres. I make three hundred thousand draining tiles, and I may be three years in selling them," &c. (p. 66):-"I have been a corn-law repealer," &c. &c. (p. 135):-" Put my name down [to a subscription list for giving Cromwell a statue] for 500l.; and, if you like, for I care not, let Hyde Park-the middle or highest point-be the situation," &c. (p. 173):"De Foe's partiality for his freehold qualification . . . was almost a romantic passion with him, and constituted him poet as well as patriot; and I must confess the feeling becomes infectious; for I feel the romance of the feeling myself" (p. 275):-"I consider "The Complete English Tradesman' to be the best book that De Foe ever wrote; and perhaps it is the best book that ever was written in the English language. is, I say again, what I consider to be the best book ever written by Daniel de Foe" (p. 454).

It

* The Life and Times of Daniel De Foe: with Remarks digressive and discur sive. By William Chadwick. London: J. R. Smith. 1859.

With these very pronounced predilections, it is only natural, perhaps, to find Mr. Chadwick a favourer of those technical elegances in diction and idiom which mark the Complete English Tradesman of the present day. In page 1 we are introduced at the Devonshire Hotel to a gentleman of business," and on the topmost line of page 2 to a "party" who wrote a book. Miss Sophia De Foe is-all question of individuality apart an "individual." Those pleasing peculiarities of figurative style in which the Complete English Tradesman is supposed, if complete, to indulge, are profusely interspersed throughout these pages. "A regular fix," for instance-" wide awake to the rich points of malice""Poor George III., poor mumbling old man, a pretty mess he made of it""The people of England will not knuckle [italics in orig.] . . . . they never did, and they never will, knuckle either to kings or parsons"—“ Ă sort of what I might call blowers-through-the-nose breed of men”— "The Commons chose Harley Speaker because he fed them. Yes! he ascended the Speaker's chair through their guts." So again we read of "Harley having the gauge of their bowels," and working his way up to a peerage "through the stomach (I wish to use polite words) of the House of Commons."

Here is the concluding sentence of the Preface.

"Yes"-our author

is particularly fond of Yes! and Well! and What! and Oh! and similar expletives- Yes, and I verily believe that a good ducking in the Thames or Serpentine would force John Bright, the patriot of Rochdale, upon my Reform Bill, in the place of his own.

"Arksey, near Doncaster, March 18, 1859."

"WILLIAM CHADWICK.

Not, apparently, that Mr. Chadwick loves the patriot of Rochdale less, but that he loves his own Reform Bill more. The patriot is often introduced by name in this biography, together with his coadjutors. The patriot is evidently a favourite, only his Reform Bill, we suppose, hardly goes far enough for Mr. Chadwick, who says (p. 147): "When we speak of reform, we mean real, substantial, honest reform, and not a quibbling shuffling of the cards of chances," but "the widest possible extension of the elective franchise, with short parliaments, and widely extended electoral districts; and what?-a removal of placemen and pensioners from the House of Commons. This is reform; and anything less is deception." Yet is this go-ahead Yorkshireman no ballot man. "I would say avoid the ballot, but insist upon the duration of Parliaments being annual only, and BRIBERY and CORRUPTION, FELONY, on conviction before a British assize jury. Oh! but you'll-you'll, indeed! I would transport every man to a penal settlement for life, on conviction of bribery or intimidation. I would want no ballot-box; mine should emphatically be the JURY-BOX; and if necessary in the course of justice, I would place every member of the government in the WITNESS-BOX." Pleasant punster!-but too British in the backbone, after all, to please ballot-box society. Nevertheless, his vote for Universal Suffrage, pure and simple, may conciliate malcontents. "We talk," quoth he, "of reforming the House of Commons; let us go back at once to the real origin of the House-the Gothic origin; not the Norman importation of Danish tyranny under Norman banners: no; but to the real usage of

Gothic ancestry; and we land at the Poll-both of Universal Suffrage; for we can find no resting-place short of that; that is antiquity—that is truth."

Mr. Chadwick, it will be seen, has antiquarian and historical tastes, and enforces his political philosophy by appeals to the didactic past. And here, if we might offer a suggestion, we would humbly propose to him, as a promising subject for his next biography-the Life and Times of Cardinal Mazarin-in whose career he seems to take particular interest, judging by the frequency of his allusions, and with every detail of whose ministry he would appear to be minutely conversant. We must make the reader acquainted with our author's singular aptitude for this historicopolitico monograph-which would afford such fine scope, too, for his pet topic, "the vitality of Protestantism."-To appreciate his Mazarinades, however, it is expedient to bear in mind that the Cardinal departed this life in 1661, the year after Charles II. (and fourteen years before James II.) came to the throne. With which chronological premiss we proceed to our quotations. "Be it understood, then, that both Charles II. and his brother James II., were pensioners of Louis XIV., and under the direct influence and guidance of Cardinal Mazarin, that King's minister." "Charles II. was supplied with a Frenchwoman (the Duchess of Portsmouth) by Madame de Maintenon [bless your "Arksey, near Doncaster" innocence, Mr. Chadwick !], the mistress of Louis XIV., and Cardinal Mazarin, the French minister" (pp. 89 sq.). Nay, the Cardinal lives and bribes and corrupts us even into William the Third's time, and perhaps later. "De Foe was engaged by Harley, when secretary of state, to go into Dorsetshire and Devonshire, to try to stem that torrent of High-Church jure-divino principles, which French gold had so fully cherished in the House of Commons during the whole reign of William III.; even to the buying up of 160 or more members by Cardinal Mazarin, the French minister, for the use and benefit of Louis XIV., his lord and master" (p. 310).

It turns out, too, that Richelieu was another of the Grand Monarque's plotting Cardinal-Ministers. Of the Bill to prevent the Growth of Schism (1714), Mr. Chadwick says: "Perhaps I might call it a PrivyCouncil education scheme for the year 1714: the old French plot of Louis XIV. revived; that plot which Cardinal Richelieu imported into France from the Medici of Florence; where it was created for Inquisition purposes by Ignatius Loyola" (p, 430). Why not give the Cardinal of Lorraine, too, a place under Louis Quatorze; and Cardinal Fleury thrown in as well, would not make much difference. At p. 366, again, we find that Sacheverell, Harley, Prior, St. John and others conspired to "make [1713] the Chevalier Charles Edward the Pretender, King of England—and make, likewise, Jonathan Swift, Archbishop of Canterbury."

Bless thy five wits, Mr. Chadwick! These Cardinals and Chevaliers are too many for thee. Prythee, stick to tile-making, unprofitable as that pursuit may hitherto have been. Or, if thou wilt dabble in history, get some expert like Mr. Cox, late M.P. for Finsbury, to revise thy proofs.

THE FUTURE OF ITALY.

PARIS is once more tranquil: the victorious "Army of Italy" has held its triumphal march across the Place Vendôme: the people have been treated with "panem et circenses," and a legion of spies have averted from Cæsar, for the present at least, the vengeful dagger of the deluded and scowling republicans. And yet, as the third Napoleon surveyed the serried ranks which he had so recently led to victory, a pang must have shot across his mind when he thought of their fifty thousand gallant comrades whom he had sacrificed on the rich plains of Lombardy, in order that he might attain the transient lustre of being regarded as a great strategist. Of all the vast crowd that covered the Place Vendôme, the emperor, probably, was the most unhappy.

But the merry strains gradually die away in the distance: the military demonstration is at an end, the people disperse, while awaiting the next portion of the amusements, and their chief rides back to the Tuileries, we trust to think over the price of victory, and take from it a lesson for the future. But such salutary thoughts as these must be speedily dispersed by the reflection of the unhappy position into which he so wilfully and defiantly thrust himself, by attempting to tear Italy from the fierce clutches of the Austrian eagle. The unhappy victim has been lacerated in the shock of the encounter: but Austria has retained the richest portion, and has flown away with drooping wing to her nest, where she gloats over the fair prize from which she is still enabled to suck the life-blood.

The future destiny of Italy has grown more complicated than it was before the war. For the ten years since the battle of Novara, Austria had been steadily but successfully extending her influence over that unhappy country, and it remained tranquil. The captive had given one fierce shake to his chains and burst them asunder. For a time he spread desolation around him, and the terrified keepers fled before the outbreak of his frenzy; but they soon returned in renewed strength, and the struggling, palpitating monster of insurrection was driven back to his lair, and Austrian bayonets fenced in his living tomb. Again was the door flung open, and Napoleon, a diplomatic Van Amburgh, tried his hand on taming the restless animal. How utterly he failed, the treaty of Villafranca has shown; but, worse still, all the fiercer passions have been aroused against the Emperor of France, and the quondam Carbonaro, menaced by his old associates, was not permitted to parade the turbulent faubourgs of his own capital.

Turning to the scene of the late fierce contests, we find matters in a most dangerous and abnormal condition. Central Italy has declared its independence, and bases its hopes of success on some ambiguous phrases let fall by the Emperor of the French; while Austria is stealthily watching the frontier of Tuscany, and awaiting the moment when the Croats shall interpose to restore order and despotism. Tuscany, Modena, and Parma have thrown off their allegiance; their legitimate rulers descended from the throne in the presence of insurrection, and threw themselves on the mercy of their old protector. Up to the present, it is true, the liberal party have behaved in a manner worthy of all praise, and, if left

to themselves, they might possibly carry out the object they have in view, but the antagonism they will have to expect must prove too strong for them, and they must inevitably fall again under the influence of Austria, unless France interpose.

It must be remembered, in surveying the conduct of Louis Napoleon during the last war, that he never proposed to regulate the internal affairs of all Italy. His avowed object was the security of Sardinian independence, which he considered to be imperilled by the encroachments of Austria, and he only promised the enfranchisement of Northern Italy. This he has so far accomplished by wresting Lombardy from Austria and handing it over to Victor Emmanuel, and though the menacing attitude of Germany prevented him carrying out his programme in its entirety, the disinterestedness he has hitherto shown seems to some persons to prove his honesty of purpose.

Napoleon, however, was far too wise to embarrass himself with pledges as to the future of Southern Italy, for he had there a power opposed to him before which all his armed panoply must succumb. The Pope must ever be necessarily the opponent of Italian constitutionalism, and the Emperor of the French was not prepared to enter into a contest with him, in which there was everything to lose and nothing to gain. Hence, he merely suggested that the settlement of the Italian question could be most easily attained by a confederation of which Pio Nono should hold the honorary Presidency, and he paved the way for this consummation by crippling the influence Austria exerted over Central Italy.

As we anticipated, events soon grew beyond his control: insurrectionary movements were encouraged in Central Italy, and Prussia, in self-defence, and fearing the result of the republican propaganda the Emperor of the French was instituting, armed. Napoleon hesitated and was lost in order to withdraw gracefully, he was compelled to make large concessions to Austria, and the independence of Italy was once again sacrificed. The disappointed patriots joined in a yell of despair and horror when they found themselves so suddenly deserted by their powerful ally, and then prepared for resistance. Let us see what prospects await them against the despotism which overlaps them to the north and south.

The portion of Italy in which the flag of liberty is now unfurled, and which represents the cause of independence, comprises the Duchies of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena, with the Romagna. The Grand-Duchy of Tuscany is one of the most powerful of the Italian states, with a population of nearly two millions, while the Principalities of Parma and Modena each contain about five hundred thousand inhabitants. The Romagna, held in check by the Papal troops, will probably be fully occupied, if any struggle ensue, with its own defence, and could not supply a large contingent to the revolutionary troops.

Against this small army of patriots are banded Austria, Naples, and the Pope, all equally averse from constitutional government in Italy, while Sardinia, tied hand and foot by the French alliance, will be impotent to aid the insurrectionary movement. The fifty thousand French soldiers "momentanément" left in Lombardy, will prevent any independent movement on the part of Victor Emmanuel. The Tuscan deputies, feeling conscious of the dilemma in which they are placed,