tions the privilege of "leading a quiet and peace"able life, in all godliness and honefty," and mentions it, as one end they should have in view, by complying with the exhortation in our text;-it needs no argument to prove, that the particular fovereign, under whofe administration that end can only be reached, has a first claim to the exercise here recommended.

For foreign princes, the concern of Christians fhould be regulated, according as circumstances do, or may, direct. All of them have a title from this apoftolical warrant, to the " fupplications, prayers, interceffions, and thanksgivings," of Chriftians, in as far as their fpiritual and eternal good require if unconverted, their converfion to God, through Jefus Chrift, fhould be the burden of the exercife under view; and if the fruits of converfion are brought forth by them, then "giv"ing of thanks" is the Chriftian's province and duty. If they are joined in a friendly alliance with the fovereign, under whom Chriftians "lead "a quiet and peaceable life," the exercife of this concern may, with greater fafety, be extended to the temporal, as well as fpiritual interefts of fuch princes. But if upon the oppofite fide, or merely neutral in the public controverfy, the Chriftian's concern, for their outward profperity, muft not be inconfiftent with what is due to their own fovereign, and the community of which they make a

part.

With these limitations, it is highly worthy the Christian character, and particularly expreffive of the Christian temper, to extend the concern, here recomended by our apoftle, to kings in general, and all in authority under them.

Perhaps this view of the matter may differ,-widely differ, from what even Christians themfelves have been

been accustomed to think and practife; but if it has a foundation in the New Teftament, as a part of the counfel of God, it should be honeftly declared, and fuitable compliance with it univerfally obtained. If it is the will of God, that "all men "should be faved, and come to the knowlege of the "truth," how do Chriftians inftruct their conformity to that will, if they have no concern for the falvation of others, whatever their station or character, whatever their connections or political fyftem? Such an unbounded compaffion, can, with no degree of juftice, be conftructed as, any how, fubverfive of the special intereft in their concern, to which their immediate fuperiors have an indifputable right; nor is it, in the leaft, inconfiftent with that intereft, unless it could be alledged, that none of oppofite nations and alliances from them, can have a place in the better world, where-entire, univerfal, everlasting concord, harmony and friendhip, invariably reign; which is fo abfurd in itfelf, and fo contrary to the very genius of the gospel, that, to the most fuperficial student of the fcriptures, it muft, at firft fight, appear.

The influence of kings over their fubjects, and of thofe in authority over the inferior tribes of men, at once accounts for the apoftle's recommending them, fo explicitly, to the concern of the churches of Chrift; for though no natural nor political parents, can transfer grace to others, their authority and example may have incredible influence on an external reformation, if not on men's feeking after the like precious grace with themselves. Hence, an inspired politician affures us, that "when the "righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: "but when the wicked bear rule, the people mourn," Prov. xxix. 1. According to this view, when Chriftians exercise a proper concern for the refor

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mation

mation of kings, and those in authority, their concern, in effect, reaches to all, without distinction, whofe principles and practices may be bettered by

it.

With regard to ouffelves; though, as men, all nations; as Chriftians, the whole Chriftian world; and, as Proteftants, every country and kingdom diftinguished by that name, fhould ly upon our hearts, and have a fhare in our concern at the thron of grace; yet, my brethren, as Britons, joined to thofe other relations, our British fovereign has a peculiar title to the concern expreffed in this exhortation.

It is impoffible to think of his juvenile years, his high ftation, his important office, the variety and weight of bufinefs laid upon him, the critical conjuncture of affairs at his acceffion to the throne, the temptations with which he must be furrounded, the common enemies of liberty and true religion, against whom he is our royal guardian, and to think of the very acclamations of loyalty and pleasure, so univerfally heard amongst his loving fubjects; it is impoffible to think of these things, without dif covering the propriety of " fupplications, prayers, "and interceffions," in his behalf. If expofed to evils, not only in common with others, as men, but, peculiar to the pinnacle of dignity and eminence, upon which, as an imperial monarch, he ftands, can the neceffity of deprecation bear the fmalleft dif pute? And if he not only needs gifts and graces, with the exercile and improvement of them, as the man and the Chriftian; but, as the king and the fupreme magiftrate; are not prayers for him equally needful, and, by his fubjects, a tribute proportionally due? Interceffions, therefore, in both thefe views, become the duty of the fubjects, as

they

they are, by apoftolical authority, the right and privilege of the fovereign.

Nor is thanksgiving, upon the occafion, to be neglected, or performed without the warmest fentiments of love and gratitude to God. Many circumftances, my brethren, in this noticeable providence, confpire to enforce that duty, to excite that exercise, and to obtain an univerfal compli ance with this part of our apoftle's exhortation.

Can we reflect on the prefervation of our late fovereign, until the years of his royal fucceffor's majority were more than numbered? Can we think of the British throne being now filled with a native of our happy ifle? Can we hear of fuch regards to true Chriftianity appearing in him, as are not common to his years, far lefs to his exalted ftation? Can we understand his royal purpose to lay out himself, and make it the bufinefs of his life, to preferve our invaluable privileges, and transmit them entire to pofterity? Can we learn from his own mouth, that, in discharge of the trust repofed in him, he refolves to depend on the advice and affiftance, not of his council alone, but of every honeft man? In a word, can we, of this part of the united kingdom, be certainly informed of his undertaking, by oath, to fecure us in the free ex ercife of the Prefbyterian religion, according to our conftitutional laws? Can we advert to these things, without, at once, seeing cause, feeling and expreffing fentiments, of manifold gratitude to God our Saviour, for all his benefits?

There is femething, my brethren, in our very conftitution itself, that, on every unprejudiced mind, muft have a conftraining influence, toward the end of the exhortation being reached. Inftead of an abfolute monarch, whole will is the only law, and whofe fubjects are hereditary flaves, our anguft fo

vereign

vereign has the diftinguished glory of governing a free people, the least of whom is protected by the laws, in fuch a manner, that, until condemned by his own peers, he cannot be put to death. The very poffeffions, as well as perfons, of Britons are fo defended, that the meaneft fubject cannot be forced, without a parliamentary authority, to part with his own property. And, though the whole executive, and a principal share in the legislative, power, is lodged in the British monarch, it is neither his prerogative to counteract established laws, nor folely to impofe new ftatutes: nay, the fovereign's claims upon thofe over whom he fways the fcepter, muft be made, and can only be effected, by due courfe of law; and, what crowns our privileges as British fubjects, the fovereign himself, in his officers of state, may be fued, and caft in his own courts. When fuch a happy conftitution is compared with that of other nations, how dear, to us, fhould our fovereign be, who has accepted the regal office, upon conditions fo fafe for the fubjects, as well as honourable for himself? And with what diftinguishing infamy does their ingratitude deferve to be branded, who make no confcience of the Chriftian duties of fupplications, prayers, interceffions, and thankf"givings," for him.

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But, while the British monarch is fo restricted by law, as the loyal and obedient fubject has nothing to fear, he is juftly cloathed with fuch power and authority, as, from every thinking person, muft challenge veneration and refpect. Befides the whole executive power of the laws, which includes the right of filling every chair in the different courts of judicature, his fole prerogative extends to the making of peace or war, fending or receiving ambaffadois, entering into leagues and treaties with foreignflates, convoking, adjourning, proroguing,

and