be changed into the same image, from glory to glory, as by the Spirit of the living God. Cætera desunt.

N. B. The Sermon, which was delivered in its finished state, by the Author from this Text was much admired by his hearers. The above is only part of it, and a first copy.

SERMON XXIX.

PSALM CXxii. 6.

Pray for the peace of Jerusalem.

FELLOW-CITIZENS, we now assemble, in obedi

ence to the command of our Sovereign, to pray for the peace of Jerusalem, and for the prosperity of those that love her. Loyalty to our king, and love to our country, are the passions which ought to animate us on this day." That attachment, which good citizens bear to their country, has ever been esteemed a virtue of the highest class. Not to mention the Greeks and the Romans, the history of the Israelites, with which you are better acquainted, presents us with grand and striking instances of patriotism and public spirit. They never mention the names of Zion and Jerusalem, without gladness and rapture. The words which I have now read to you, seem to have come from the heart, and breathe this spirit in the most lively man

ner.

During their captivity, when they sat by the waters of Babylon, the Jews thought upon Zion and wept. When they prayed to heaven, they turned their faces towards Jerusalem. At their return from captivity, they are described as halting on a hill, over which they had to march, taking a fond look of Judea, from which they had been banished so long; bursting into tears at the view, weeping as they went forward, at the recognizance of their ancient country, and their native land. Our Saviour, who was a

Upon a fast day during the American war,

pattern of all goodness, set us an example of this virtue. He loved his country, and uttered that celebrated exclanation of patriotism, "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, how of ten would I have gathered thee as a hen gathereth her brood under her wings."

As we now meet to pray for the peace and welfare of our Jerusalem, (for in the language of Scripture, peace is put for all kinds of prosperity,) I shall endeavour to shew you, at this time, wherein the public welfare consists.

It consists in the national liberty, the national wealth and industry, the national defence, and the national cha

racter.

The first ingredient in the publie happiness is liberty,a privilege invaluable, but frequently misunderstood, and still more frequently abused. Absolute liberty to do what we please is absolute power. If one alone, or a few possess this, the rest are in slavery; if all have it, the whole must be in confusion. In order to prevent mutual encroachments, and ascertain each person's claims, liberty must be secured by a constitution, and guarded by law. In the state of nature, men are not only free, but independent: among the wandering tribes of savages, none claim authority over others; but, as such a state cannot subsist long, whenever men enter into formed society, they give up some of their natural rights, in order to preserve the rest; they no longer wieid the sword of justice themselves; it is given to the magistrate; they intrust their property to the laws, and their protection to the king.

Still, however, that is the happpiest form of government, which best secures the natural rights of men. It is here that the British constitution triumphs, Possessing advantages, which no other form of government ever possessed, it stands forth the envy of the neighbouring nations, and a pattern to succeeding times. Liberty is the birthright of every Briton. That grand charter of nature to her children is established and confirmed by law. The constitution, like the providence of Heaven, extends its gracious regards to all: while it protects the poor in the possession of their legal rights, it checks the insolence of the great, and sets bounds to the prerogative of Majesty itself, saying to the king, "Thus far, and no farther, does thy power extend." All the members of the state are represented in the great council of the nation, and have a voice in the Legislature. The subjects are taxed by their

own consent. There is no despotic or discretionary power in any part of the constitution. No action must be deemed a crime, but what the laws have plainly determined to be such; no crime must be imputed to a man, but from a legal proof before his judges; and these judges must be his fellow-subjects and his peers, who are obliga ed, by their own interest, to have a watchful eye over encroachments and violence. "We must ever admire, as a masterpiece of political wisdom, and as the key-stone of civil liberty, that statute which forces the secrets of every person to be revealed, the cause of every commitment to be declared, and the person of the accused to be produced, that he may claim his enlargement, or his trial, within a limited time." By these means, Great Britain hath become, what ancient patriots wished, a government of laws, and not of men. Highly favoured nation and happy people, if they knew their felicity, and did not, upon occasions, by their own fault, turn the greatest of civil blessings into a curse!

II. The national welfare consists in the national industry and wealth. It is a vulgar error to suppose, that the greatness of a nation depends upon the number of its inhabitants. It is not the number of the people, but their being usefully employed, that adds to the true grandeur and felicity of a state. A nation is a great family, where every member has a sphere marked out, and a part to perform, and which if it abounds with the idle must fall to ruin." Men crowd where the situation is tempting, and multiply according to the means of subsistence." Present the proper objects; let the mechanic arts be cultivated; let manufactures abound and commerce flourish; and citizens will come from the east and from the west, and from the south and from the north. Every thing in the world is purchased by labour and industry.

Our passions and desires are the causes of labour and industry. When a nation introduces manufactures and commerce, new desires are created, and new passions are raised; men increase the enjoyments, and reâne upon the pleasures of life. Not satisfied with what is necessary, which is a vague term, and has a reference to the fancy, and to the habit of living, they look out for what is comfortable, what is elegant, and what is delicate in life. In order to supply these recent wants, the possessor of land, the manufacturer, and the merchant, redouble their la

bour and attention. Thus new industry is excited, greater numbers of men are employed, the grandeur of the sovereign, and the happiness of the state come to coincide. By this means, a stock of labour comes to be laid up for public use.

Trade and industry are in reality nothing but a stock of labour, which, in times of peace and tranquillity, are employed for the ease and satisfaction of individuals; but, in the exigencies of state, may in part be turned to public advantage. The cultivation of these arts is favoured, and forwarded in our country, by that security which we enjoy. What every man has, is his own. The voice of the oppressor is never heard in our streets. pacious power is never stretched out to ous of the fruit of his labour.

The hand of rarob the industri

III. The public welfare consists in the national defence. The police of every well-modelled state has a reference to war and to national safety. The legislator of Sparta, one of the most famous of the ancient republics, thought that nations were by nature in a state of hostility. He took his measures accordingly, and, observing that all the possessions of the vanquished pertain to the victor, he held it ridiculous to propose any benefit to his country before he had provided that it should not be conquered; -a most necessary provision; for unless a state be sufficient for its own defence, it must fall an easy prey to every invader. It was the intention of nature, that nations, as well as men, should guard themselves. Hence lessons of war are delivered in Sacred Scripture, and principles of emulation and dissension are strongly implanted in the soul of man. Human nature has no part of its character, of which more striking examples are given in every part of the globe. What is it that stirs in the breasts of ordinary men when the enemies of their country are named? Whence are the prejudices that subsist between different provinces and villages of the same empire and territory? What is it that excites one half of the nations of Europe against the oiher? The statesman may explain this conduct upon motives of national jealousy and caution; but the people have dislikes and antipathies, which proceed from sentiment, not from reasoning. Among them the materials of war and dissension are laid without the direction of government, and sparks are ready on every occasion to kindle into a flame.

This being the disposition of the people, happy is that institution which prevails in a part of this island,* of putting arms into the hands of the people, of making every citizen a soldier in his turn, and, by this means, having a force at hand to rise in arms at any sudden emergency. When such a system of military arrangements takes place, the prosperity of a state becomes independent of single men; there is a wisdom which never dies, and a valour which is immortal. A state may hire troops, but valour is not to be bought; the wealth of a nation will procure soldiers to fight its battles, but let it not be forgot, that the possessions of the fearful are easily seized, that a timorous. multitude falls into rout of itself. Ramparts may be erected, and the implements of war may be furnished, by a pacific people; but let it be remembered as an eternal truth, that there is no rampart which is impregnable to valour, that arms are only of consequence when they are in the hands of the brave, and that the only price of freedom is the blood of the free. When an ancient Spartan was asked what was the wall of his city, he pointed to a band of brave men,—a defence more permanent and more effectual than the rock and the cement with which other cities are fortified.

IV. The public welfare consists in the national character. That righteousness exalteth a nation, and that vice is not only a reproach, but also a depression to any people, are truths so universally received, as to require little confirmation. All lawgivers in all ages have thought so, and made it their object to cultivate justice and temperance, and fortitude, and industry, conscious that public virtue is the source of public happiness. Philosophers and moralists have been of the same opinion, and have taught, with one consent, that the morality of the people was the stability of the government, and the true source of public prosperity. Practice and experience have confirmed the truth of these speculations. If we consult the history of the most renowned nations that have made a figure in the world, we shall find, that they rose to greatness by virtue, and sunk to nothing by vice; that they obtained dominion by their temperance, their probity of manners, and a serious regard to religion; and that, when they grew dissolute, corrupted, and profane, they became slaves to their

Originally published before the institution of Scottish Militia. '