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The General Peace left us with an enormous debt, a depreciated currency (in which the debt had been contracted), a very heavy expenditure, and consequently a great weight of taxes, direct and indirect. Immediately after the peace, the Corn Bill was passed, in order to protect the agricultural interest. Within about two years the Bill for enforcing the return to Cash payments was passed. Two measures certainly of a very opposite tendency.

For a great number of years duties for the sake of encouraging and protecting our manufactures had existed, and more particularly for our shipping. About 1820, from the fear of being undersold in foreign markets, or in the hope of extending our external commerce, it was determined to depart from the old system Now conceding that the old system was an evil, it must be admitted that before applying a remedy to an evil of great magnitude, and of long existence, the utmost circumspection is necessary, or it is not unlikely that our remedy may prove an aggravation of the evil. So the system of Free Trade, although excellent in the abstract, may not be suitable for us without some preliminary steps, that will place us now upon an equality with the cheap nations of the continent, or the consequences must be, in spite of capital, machinery, or superior industry, that we must be undersold in our home market. That the Government are of this opinion is obvious by their levying protecting duties on almost all imports that compete with our own manufactures. Until within 6 or 7 years, the Government encouraged, by every means in their power, the Shipping of this country, and even at the present are verbally desirous of keeping it up. It has however, been determined to try if the Shipping cannot support themselves without any protection; hitherto the plan has not produced very flattering results, and it is to be feared, unless some protection is granted, or considerable relief afforded them by taking off their burthens here, that our mercantile navy will dwindle to a condition, alarming to all who consider the naval preponderance of the country of any importance. If it is intended that our Colonies shall be pre

Mr. Huskisson's speech ou the Shipping interest, p. 49, admits the principle. GENT. MAG. April, 1827.

served, and our supremacy on the seas be maintained, an extensive mercantile marine is indispensable, which must be profitably employed, or those who have embarked their capitals therein, will gradually withdraw them from it. It should be borne in mind that the Navy of France has increased since the peace to about 50 sail of the line, as many frigates, besides small craft; and that the Government is encouraging the increase of the Merchant Shipping by every means in their power. The Merchant Shipping of the United States (the power whom we have most reason to fear) is now nearly equal in tonnage to our own at the commencement of 1792.

In order that our Shipping may successfully compete with those of the Northern States of Europe, it will be necessary to place them upon a footing approaching to equality. Superior skill and industry may obviate a slight disparity, but not such a disparity as the following statements will show.

The cost of Ship-building in Prussia is from 240 to 260 florins (124. to 131. sterling) per last-the Prussian last, which is equal to 1 and 2-5ths tons of British register, including the rigging. Contracts have been made this year for building ships, at 115 to 150 florins, or 5l. 15s. to 77. 10s. sterling per last, without rigging.—Jacob's Report.

This is equal to 4l. 15s. per register ton; if completely rigged 81. 11s. 6d. to gl. 6s. The British-built ship costs, without rigging, 91. to 127. per ton; with rigging 141. to 16l. per ton.

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The expences of a Prussian threemasted ship of 414 lasts (580 tons), on a voyage to England for three months, are as follow. Captain Mate Carpenter Boatswain 6 Seamen 4 ditto

5 half ditto

Cabin Boy Provisions

8 2 0

6 1 6

4 19 0

24 в 0

12 3 0

10 2 6

2 0 6

39 19 11

£121 4 5

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Whence it appears that the necessary provisions and wages of a foreign ship amount only to 1211. 4s. 5d., while the requisite expenditure to procure the same for an English ship amounts to no less than 2801., without taking into consideration the difference of capital invested (which is more than double), and the increased amount of interest, insurance, and other charges.

A partial relief may be given to the British ship-owner, by taking off the duties upon foreign timber, hemp, flax, &c.; but to put him upon a footing of equality with foreigners, our taxation must be considerably reduced, and our corn laws abolished.* Without these two measures, all attempts at establishing a system of free trade and reciprocity will be nugatory; individuals may be injured, nay they have been injured, to a great extent, but the benefit to the community is as a drop of water in the sea; indeed it will be difficult for the thick-and-thin advocates for free trade, to shew by evidence or by argument, "in what respect the condition of the body of the people is improved by the new measures; has the poor man a greater command over the necessaries or comforts of life than he had before 1820?" Of the evil inflicted upon indivi

duals there is unfortunately no doubt. Since the removal of the protecting duties in favour of our own Shipping, the foreigners have increased. Whether they will finally thrust us out of the Northern trade, time only can show; but judging by the past our prospect is gloomy indeed. If a certain portion of British shipping is to be sacrificed, a portion of the tradesmen depending upon them will suffer in proportion, and where are men to look for employment in this over-peopled country? Much has been said of the great increase in tonnage during 1825; but it has been satisfactorily proved, that it has been much exaggerated.

When examining the effects of the Reciprocity system, it has been the practice with some, in order to blink the question, to mix up the Colonial and Coasting with the Foreign trade; this is a fallacy:-if we wish to know whether our Foreign trade has relatively increased or diminished, let it be tried alone, and the foreigners will be found to be the sole gainers by the change.

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In short, if it is intended to apply the system of Free Trade to this country generally, reduce its burthens to something like an equality with others ;if it is intended to apply it to a par

*The following Table shews the Population, Revenue, Public Debt, and proportion of Burthen each country imposes on its inhabitants.

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The public debt of Sweden has been reduced, since 1813, 250,000l. and will be redeemed

in 1833.

The debt of Prussia is both funded and floating. In 1819 the revenue exceeded the expenditure by about a million sterling.

The revenue of France includes the provincial rates, and expence of collection.

The expenditure of the separate States of the United States is about a dollar per head, which is included in the 9s. 4d. charged in the table: the present expenditure is estimated at 2,314,000l. which will make the pressure 8s. 2d. per head. The debt is reduced to

16,000,000l.

The revenue of England includes the expence of collection and parochial rate, but takes no notice of innumerable direct and indirect burthens.

The burthen per head in England alone (leaving out Scotland and Ireland), is about 5l.

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IN

April, 18.

N your last Number (p. 214), Clericus asserts, that in his former letter he had fallen into neither of the two errors with which I had charged him. The first of these errors was, speaking of the Apocrypha as a whole, and thereby implying that all its parts possessed an equal authority. Now even the language which he has quoted from his former letter for this purpose, so far from containing the least intimation that the writer recognised any distinction in the several parts of the Apocrypha, seems clearly to preclude all distinctions by its generality; and surely no one ought to be blamed for not attributing to him what his language seemed to preclude; and what, till his late avowal to the contrary, it could not be presumed that he entertained.

With regard to the second error, that the bare quoting any writing in the New Testament, even without the ascription of Divine authority to it, stamps such an authority on the writing quoted, he again adduces the correspondence between 2 Book of Esdras, i. 32, and Luke xi. 49; in which latter it appears he is of opinion that such an ascription of Divine authority really exists. His words are, "that Christ here refers to some sacred authority that exists anterior to his speaking, is evident; and where, except in the following passage, can P. O. find that authority?" Now I do not find that any of the Commentators regard the phraseology in St. Luke," therefore also said the wisdom of God, I will send them Prophets," as a quota

tion from any anterior writing; but either tacitly admit, or else expressly assert, that by the phrase "the wisdom of God," our Lord intended to designate himself, according to the parallel passage of St. Matthew's Gospel, xxiii. 34, where the language simply is, Behold, I send unto you Prophets." But even admitting this to be a quotation of such a nature as Clericus contends, I really am surprised at being challenged as to where I can find

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some sacred authority, that existed anterior" to our Lord's time, and to which he might here refer; since the least consultation of the Commentators would, without any trouble, have referred Clericus to 2 Chron. xxiv. 19, "Yet he sent Prophets to them, to bring them again unto the Lord :" to which (supposing it to be a quotation) the whole connection shows, that our Lord here refers. For the passage in St. Luke, " therefore, also, said the wisdom of God, I will send them prophets," occurs in close connection with the requirement of "all the righteous blood, which was shed from the foundation of the world;" from the blood of Abel, the first-recorded martyr, to the blood of Zechariah, the last-recorded martyr; the shedding of which is narrated in this chapter of the Book of Chronicles. A single point of dissimilarity is, that he is called in the Old Testament "the Son of Jehoida," and in the New, "the Son of Barachiah." A double name, however, is not unfrequent in the Scriptures, when the two names are of a similar meaning, or the word Jehovah occurs in one of them; both which circumstances apply here. That the same identical Zechariah is intended, is evident; as being the last-recorded martyr of the Old Testament, the scene of his death being the same, viz. "in the court of the house of the Lord," answering to the phrase "between the Temple (Sanctuary) and the altar;" and his martyrdom, and dying words agreeing with the whole scope of our Saviour's design in the allusion, for " when he died, he said, the Lord look upon it, and requite it." The order too, of the leading ideas, is the same; for both in our Lord's declaration, and in this narrative from the Old Testament, we have, first, the sending of the Prophets; and, then, their martyrdom and the requirement of their blood.

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The reason why I did not, in my last communication, bring forward this correspondence was, that I thought it perfectly unnecessary; since most of the Commentators, or the marginal references, would have pointed it out, but chiefly because, after intimating the general opinion that this Second Book of Esdras was written subsequently to the Gospels, I thought that no one could possibly refuse to see as a necessary consequence, that it could derive no authority from any correspondence to them, till this Book had first been proved anterior to the Gospels; in short, till it had been shown that the Gospels were taken from the Second Book of Esdras, and not the Second Book of Esdras from the Gospels. Accordingly, I intimated the extreme infelicity with which Clericus had selected this particular Book of the Apocrypha for the commencement of his operations. The preface to it, in D'Oyly and Mant's Bible, speaks of its naming Jesus Christ in express terms (see cap. vii. 28, 29) as a mark of its posteriority; and treats the lofty pretensions of its author to inspiration, with absolute contempt Its exclusion from the Canon by the Church of Rome, and from the Calendar of Lessons by our own Church, shows the suspicious light in which all parties have viewed it.

In the remarks I have here offered on the Letter of Clericus, I have laboured under a considerable difficulty. Whether there be a want of clearness in that gentleman's mode of expression, or in my own powers of comprehension, I shall not presume to decide; but I must confess myself unable to determine, whether he is contending for the propriety only of binding up the Apocrypha with the Bible; but still, under the degrading mark of Apocryphal, by an appropriate title,

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ized possession there." Since I know of no medium in authority between Divine and human, between inspiration and no inspiration, I can attach no meaning to this way of speaking, but that some parts at least of these Books, in consequence of their claims to a Divine character (which can mean nothing else than inspiration), are an intrinsic and undoubted portion of the inspired Canon. Should Clericus, after all, only intend the propriety of continuing them within the coverings" of the Bible, under a separate title as at present, I do not wish to dispute such a subject, because there can be no more objection against this, than against binding up the Prayer Book, or any other pious and useful work, with the Books of Scripture; and because such a mere arbitrary juxtaposition cannot diminish the inspiration of the sacred volume, or confer either the whole or any part of its authority upon such writings.

But I must protest

against the use of language in contending for such a custom, which confounds the mere "coverings" of the Bible with the Canon of Holy Scripture; lest for so unimportant a point, we should endanger the very foundations of the Reformation; which sweepingly," yet discreetly," and I trust for ever, removed from the Rule of Faith every thing "extraneous and doubtful."

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Clericus says, his orthodoxy is as good as mine. I beg to decline all such comparisons. But as my design has merely been to guard against any departure from the simplicity, either in doctrine or expression, of our VIth Article, I must still subscribe myself, and I hope without offence,

PRESBYTER ORTHODOXUS.

MR. URBAN, Coventry, March 22.

as at present; or that it should be ad- ABOUT the year 1793, several in

mitted (as by the Papists) to be intermingled among the Canonical Books without distinction, or at least some parts of it be esteemed as of equal authority with them. His language is, "They contain, if I mistake not, more claims to a Divine character than their impugners are aware of." "No one would more rejoice than myself, to see discreetly removed from the coverings of the really inspired word, every extraneous and doubtful portion that may have obtained an unauthor

teresting Letters were published in the Gent.'s Magazine, respecting St. Mary's Hall, by Mr. Gough, Mr. Carter, &c. The particulars which I have now sent you, I have endeavoured to keep distinct from those communications, although I have lately embodied the whole into a small publication.

This venerable Hall having undergone a variety of improvements, under the judicious direction of our present mayor, Jas. Weare, Esq., I have been induced to send you the following detailed account, which not only com

prises the remarks of former writers, but is also the result of a recent personal inspection of the fabric.

The magnificent St. Mary's Hall stands a little south of St. Michael's Church, and formerly belonged to the master, brothers, and sisters, of St. Mary's, or Trinity Gild. The site, as appears from an ancient roll, dated 1502-3 (now in my possession), was originally the property of Guy de Tylbroke, an early vicar of St. Michael's Church, who enjoined his successors, Wm. Colle, and other members of the Gild, to pay a rent-charge of 6s. annually, to the Benedictine Monastery in Coventry.

A license for founding this Gild was granted by Edward III. in 1340, and a Hall for the necessary meetings of this Institution was immediately erected; the entrance, door-way, kitchens, and other parts of which structure still remain. After the above period, the Gilds of the Holy Trinity, St. John the Baptist, and St. Katherine, were united to that of St. Mary. The annual Master sat next to the Mayor at all public meetings, and the ancient carved chair, still remaining in the Hall, is supposed to have been used for that purpose. The Society had also the power of appointing a public fair. It was at this period when the magnificent Hall was erected. So great was the reputation of this united Gild, which then bore the name of the Trinity, that, says Sir W. Dugdale, Kings, with many of the principal Nobility, Bishops, &c. of those times, thought it no dishonour to be admitted members of the fraternity. In 1344, Edward, called the Black Prince, was elected a Brother of Trinity Gild; and in 1379, among many other distinguished names, occur those of the King and Prince of Wales.

At the Survey which was taken in 1545, by order of Henry VIII. the revenue of all the lands belonging to this Gild amounted to £111. 13s. Sd. out of which various salaries were paid to priests, &c. In 1552, all the lands and possessions, belonging to the Gilds and Chantries, were purchased from the Crown by the Mayor, &c. of this city, for the sum of £1,315 Is. 8d.

I will not too greatly extend this communication, by describing the numerous royal entertainments given in St. Mary's Hall, or by recounting the various historical events connected with

it, but shall at once proceed to describe the recent alterations.

To begin with the Oriel. This window has been taken down, and rebuilt in a handsome and substantial manner. Some ancient quarries, bearing several letters and paintings of arms (which were discovered under the Duke of Northumberland's monument, when it was removed from the bottom of the Hall), served in part for the new floor. A side-board, of ancient English oak, in the front of which is a variety of carvings, viz. two figures, elephant and castle, a rose, &c. was then made with great taste, and placed in this recess. The oak ceiling has been carefully replaced, and the window filled with ground glass, and labels or scrolls, containing the names of benefactors to the city of Coventry. In the centre, are the names of Leofric and Godiva, which are rendered extremely conspicuous by broad yellow borders. The following names also appear:

Henry II., Henry III., Ranulf Blundeville, Roger Montalt, Edward I., Queen Isabel, Edward III., Edward the Black Prince, Richard II., Henry VI., Queen Margaret, Thomas Bond, Thomas Wheatley, William Ford, William Pisford, Thomas Jesson, Sir William Hollis, Sir Thomas White, Henry VIII., John Hales, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland.

The ancient pannelled wainscots on the east and west sides, on which were painted the ornamental inscriptious, arms, &c. in 1581, have been removed; and the same inscriptions, arms, &c. have been copied with scrupulous exactness on the walls, by an artist of celebrity, Mr. Wm. Finley. The decorations in the old Council-chamber were designed and executed by this gentleman; as were also the drawings for the stained glass, both in repairing the old, and fitting up the new windows in the Hall. The whole of the stained glass in the east and west windows, and the Old Council-chamber, have been restored and replaced by Mr. C. Pemberton, of Birmingham. The delicacy of execution, and the brilliancy of the various parts and colours of these beautiful windows, deserve great praise. In each compartment in the different windows is a gothic canopy, and ornamented pillars. In the upper compartments all the figures have been carefully repaired and

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