12 are Henry VI. and Edward the IV. ar "Baudier states, that this unfortunate This custom the Editor is assured was con- In her age, no man was deemed fit upon the publick mind is evident from WO We have spoken thus, under a feeling of sorrow for MARGARET OF ANJOU, because we deeply respect man's faith" and "maternal love," the first and best of all human affections; and because we know that out of the three queens who ever reigned in this country, two, (Elizabeth and Anne, the patroness of Marlborough,) brought it to a high elevation in glory; and therefore that Providence in placing a queen bee in the sovereignty of a hive, even of human beings, has given a better authority for the possible excellence of petticoat government, than we dunghill cocks (for what husband would desire to be a fighting one?) are prepared to admit, though it often is the case, that we do not dare to crow, because very many Dame Partlets better understand the arts of government and victory than ourselves. In a work like this, where every letter is a thesis for a declamation, we must, through our narrow limits, either take points, or give a dry catalogue. Puffing merits in a general way is however only the literature of venders of goods and horses, the oratory of dealers and chapmen. We have therefore to take points, and give the best interest in our power to matters susceptible of engaging the feelings of our general readers, leaving to the philosopher and statesman, the work at large, for that vast mass of valuable historical matter, which belongs to study. For the present we stop here. (To be continued.) 86. Directions for the Study of Theology; in a Series of Letters from a Bishop to his Son, on his admission into Holy Orders. By the Right Rev. George Gleig, LL.D. &c. FROM the pen of Bishop Gleig, whose talents and learning are so well known by means of his former writings, no superficial directions for study will be expected. Nor will such be found in the present volume. It seems, indeed, to have been the object of the Rt. Rev. Author to make his Son as profound a divine as himself, and equally qualified to handle every difficult point of theological discussion: and certainly, if a careful meditation on these Directions, with the works recommended in them, did not produce, in any student, something at least approaching to that effect, we should despair of its being produced at all. A competent preparation in the elements of Theology, is supposed to have been made at the University, which knowledge, says the Bishop, "would be sufficient for the curate of a parish, had he nothing to do, but illustrate the essential Articles of our Holy Faith, and to inculcate upon his parishioners the precepts of the Gospel.-But he has to guard them against innumerable errors that are circulated among all ranks of the people, from the highest to the lowest, with the utmost industry, and pressed on them with the greatest art and earnestness." The persons who so corrupt the minds of men are not only the Deists and Atheists, but those who pervert Scripture by misinterpretation, the Unitarians and the teachers of imputed sin and righteousness. The young Divine is warned however against introducing these topics into his discourses. "You will do well," says Bishop Gleig, "to avoid all appearance of controversy in your Sermons, unless on points wherein you know your people to have been already misled; for you could not controvert the dangerous doctrines of Unitarianism on the one hand, or of Fanaticism on the other, and, by doing this, you might excite the without previously stating these doctrines; curiosity of the illiterate part of the congregation to inquire further about erroneous opinions, of which, but for your information, they might never have heard. You would thus be the instrument of leading your people into the very errors against which it was your object to guard them." After this introduction, the author proceeds to handle, in his second Letter, the great question, "Is there such a thing as Natural Religion?" Having first stated the opposite opinions on the subject, he says, "Had these disputants commenced their discussions with ascertaining what is meant by the phrase Natural Religion, I think it controversy between them; at least I am probable that there would have been no convinced that there ought to have been none. If by the phrase Natural Religion be meant, a system either innate in the mind of man, or discovered by human reason from the phenomena of nature, I am persuaded that there never was, nor ever could have been, such a religion known or practised in the world." He concludes, therefore, after combating the allegations for a contrary opinion, that "the first principles of religion must have been communicated to the progenitors of the human race by inspiration;" and this, he thinks "must be readily granted by every unprejudiced and reflecting Theist." But before such a revelation can be received true, as by other persons, they must be convinced by other means, not only that there is a Creator and Governor of the world, but also that he is such a Being as, in a matter of such importance, will neither deceive his rational creatures, nor suffer them to be deceived, if they make the proper use of the intellectual powers with which he hath endowed them." Whatever knowledge, therefore, of the Supreme Being can be obtained, by arguments drawn from the acknowledged phenomena of nature, may be considered as Natural Theology; and in this sense the Bishop acknowledges the propriety of the phrase. He must, however, be no idle or careless student, who, for the discus sion of this previous question, has re course to the works here mentioned in a note: which are no less than the principal writings of Bacon, Locke, Berkeley, Reid, Stewart, Law, and the Bishop's own Compendium of Metaphysical Science, published in the Encyclopædia Britannica.-But it is evident that it was no part of the Author's design to encourage or allow superficial studies. In the third Letter, the Remarks of Bishop Gleig on some of the most celebrated Systems of Natural Theology, will be read with satisfaction by all who are qualified to estimate their value. Nor will such readers be surprised to find the preference given to Paley; even after the mention of Bentley, Clarke, King and Wollaston. The fourth Letter treats of Natural Religion; that is of the obligations deducible by reason from the basis of Natural Theology, or the mere knowledge of a God. The author next points out (Letter 5,) the defects of Natural Religion, and the consequent necessity of Revelation; which leads him in the 6th, to recommend the study of the Scriptures, and the fittest method of pursuing it. Here an ordinary Student might again take alarm, at the number and weight of the books proposed to be read, in illustration of the Historical Scriptures; but the Bishop doubtless knew that he was addressing a person of no ordinary capacity, and one whose studies he had been accustomed to direct to the best sources. He also recommends that the Scripture should be read, "not in the order in which they are commonly published, but in the order of time in which they were written;" for which order he refers to Mr. Townsend's Historical Arrangement of the Bible: and we may add, of the New Testament also. Both these works are executed in the most satisfactory manner: but the two voJumes on the N. T. probably had not reached the Bishop when this letter was printed. The Letters on the three first Chapters of Genesis, and on the State of Man before and after the Fall, are extremely acute, and well written; but contain some opinions which have been controverted, and are likely again to be disputed. Of these we cannot here enter into the discussion or defence. But the Bishop is fully competent to defend himself; and they who will not yield to the authorities and arguments which he brings forward, would certainly contend against us, with still greater pertinacity. It would extend this article much too far, to complete the analysis of these Letters in the way we have begun. We shall therefore only state, that, after pursuing the History of Revealed Religion, through its various steps, till its full developement in the Gospel, in which four Letters are employed, the author proceeds, in seven subsequent Letters, to treat of the fundamental articles of the Christian Faith; on the Atonement, on the doctrines of Justification, Sanctification, and Predestination; on the Constitution and Authority of the Christian Church, as a Spiritual Society; and finally on the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, as understood by the Greek, Roman, and Lutheran Churches, and by the Calvinists; concluding with a vindication of the Doctrine of the Church of England. It will readily be seen, by any person conversant in religious enquiries, that these chapters must contain no small portion of nice and difficult mat ter. But when we say that these profound questions are here treated by Bishop Gleig with a depth of judg ment, and a clearness of reasoning, not often to be met with, we say no more than what might easily be proved in a more extended examination; and what will require no proof, beyond the Letters themselves, to those who with ability and candour sit down to the perusal of them; rejecting such preconceived opinions as will not stand the test of argument. An Appendix, on three very important subjects, is added to the Letters: 1. On the credibility of the Scripture Miracles, in answer to Hume and his followers. 2. On the origin of the three first Gospels. 3. On the Doctrine of Original Sin. On the latter of these subjects, the author strongly contends against the notion of either sin or righteousness being imputed to one Being from another; an opinion, which, though it has had many partizans, and probably continues to have, does indeed appear to be utterly irreconcileable with any ideas we can form of perfect justice. Having thus informed our readers, in a general way, what they are to expect in this very able work, we shall conclude with a wish, in which we are certain the author will join; namely, that it may extend the influence of sound doctrine, without causing or reviving any acrimonious disputations. 87. The Life of Cardinal Wolsey, by George Cavendish, his Gentleman Usher. From the original Autograph Manuscript; with Notes and other Illustrations by Samuel Weller Singer, F. S. A. 8vo. second edit. pp. 542. JOHNSON has remarked that the best Biographer of any man is his butler. He means only, of course, that from a domestic can information concerning private life be most accurately obtained. But however correct may be facts, it is plain that the vast difference in the interests, manners, and opinions of masters and dependants, renders it utterly essential, that such biography should be written upon Bible-society principles, "without note or comment," and (it be may added)" without an apocrypha" annexed. But even under the most correct and impartial statement of facts, there will inevitably ensue, in such authorship, the most important desideratum, namely, that delicate delineation of peculiarities, which makes of the man an individual portrait. A butler's account is simply at the best a character given in a court of justice. With regard to ancient biography, an exception may be made. It enters into minute description, which forms the very essence of correct biographical taste, in the judgment of that man of supreme taste, Horace Earl of Orford. General accounts form only funeral orations. Chaucer, Froissart, Holinshed, and the Author before us, wrote the descriptive form, and to that alone they owe their popularity; for vague generalities do not hitch themselves upon the attention; and when we add to this the discrepancy of ancient manners, habits, and thinking, the interest becomes that of a novel, which is bonâ fide history. These ancient writers are never metaphysical. They do not, like the moderns, sort out the incidents, and oppose them in scales, to philosophical weights, which process is, in fact, only making of them cases for the opinions of philosophical counsel, according to their statute and common law. Our old biographers take the customary manners and opinions of their ages for the standard of their reflections, and the result is, that their pictures are all in excellent keeping, and have not only the interest of being drawn from life, but the attraction of curiosity. In our review of Howard's Life of Wolsey, we were thought to have used him with injustice, and to have undervalued his merits. The contemporary. account before us, shows plainly that he was a man determined to rise by devoting himself completely to the will of his Sovereign; and that he depended entirely upon such acquiescence for the permanency of his favour. But that not chusing (for we cannot avoid a strong term) to throw off the Pope, and become a pander to the King, in regard to his divorce from Catherine, and even going so far as to endeavour an alienation of his affections from Anne Boleyn, by recommending a marriage with the French king's sister, (see p. 427) his Majesty then found, that his sic volo, sic jubes, was menaced; and Wolsey, that (to use his own words) his royal master," rather than miss or want any part of his will or appetite, would put the loss of one half of his realm in danger." (p. 388.) The character in substance, which we gave of Wolsey, was, that he rose by obsequiousness, and fell by resistance; and without the smallest disrespect to the gentleman who differed from us, we beg to observe that, in the opinion of Henry, office did not differ from servitude, a minister from a spaniel, and that Henry would have regarded independence of mind as treason. Henry was perfectly tyrannical, also able and well informed, and no one could obtain an influence over him, which might have been feasible with a man of inferior head. Cavendish gives us the following account of Wolsey's mode of raising himself. "In especial, for that he was most earnest and readiest among all the council to advance the king's only will and pleasure, without any respect to the case: the king therefore perceived him to be a meet instrument for the accomplishment of his devised will and pleasure, called him more near unto him, and esteemed him so highly, that his estimation and favour put all other ancient counsellors out of their accustomed favour, that they were in before; insomuch that the king committed all his will and pleasure unto his disposition and order. Who * See Vol. XCIV. ¡¡, 240, 336. wrought so all his matters, that all his endeavour was only to satisfy the king's mind, knowing right well that it was the very vein and right course to bring him to high promotion. The king was young and lusty, disposed all to mirth and pleasure, and to follow his desire and appetite, nothing minding to travail in the busy affairs of this realm. The which the almoner perceiving very well, took upon him therefore to disburden the king of so weighty a charge aud troublesome business, putting the king in comfort, that he shall not need to spare any time of his pleasure, for any business, that should necessarily happen in the council, as as long as he, being there and having the king's authority and commandment, doubted not to see all things sufficiently furnished and perfected; the which would first make the king privy of all such matters as should pass through their hands before he would proceed to the finishing or determining of the same, whose mind and pleasure he would fulfil and follow to the uttermost, wherewith the king was wonderfully pleased. And whereas the other ancient counsellors would, according to the office of good counsellors, diverse times persuade the king to have sometime an intercourse in the council, there to hear what was done in weighty matters, the which pleased the king nothing at all, for he loved nothing worse than to be constrained to do any thing contrary to his royal will and pleasure; and that he knew the almoner very well, having a secret intelligence of the king's natural inclination, and so fast as the other counsellors advised the king to leave his pleasure, and to attend to the affairs of his realm, so busily did the almoner persuade him to the contrary, which delighted him much, and caused him to have the greater affection and love to the almoner. Thus the almoner ruled all them, that before ruled him." pp. 81. 82. From this extract, it will be plain in what manner Wolsey obtained his high power; and, of course, being a mere echo of Henry, he lost no favours, until (as we observed in our former review) he ventured to set up for himself as a principal. In Wyatt's account here given (p. 427) it seems" that the matter of the Duchess [the king of France's sister] cooling every day more and more, his the Cardinal's] credit also waned till it was utterly eclipsed; and that so busied the great personages, that they marked the less the king's bent [towards Ann Boleyn], the rather for that some way it seemed helpful to their working against the Cardinal. p. 427.". These passages show clearly by what means Wolsey became prime minister, GENT. MAG. June, 1827. and was so long able to overcome his powerful enemies. Henry knew, that Wolsey, was only the figure of himself the king in a looking-glass; and therefore to condemn him would be to Cardinal attempted to have a political condemn himself. But when the that a convenience was likely to beexistence of his own, Henry thought come an obstruction; and soon let him know that he had miscalculated, in supposing that he was any other than a parasitick plant, which thrived, while it was upheld by the royal oak, but could not support an independent existence. Wolsey himself, in his distress, was recalled to that recollection which he ought never to have forgotmies, appeals to the king's feelings and ten, and instead of braving his enehonour, which he thought must be interested in his behalf, because with only a late exception he had been merely a passive instrument in executing the royal will and pleasure. Speaking of his yielding himself guilty in the premunire, he says "It was the best way for me, all things considered, to do as I have done than to stand in trial with the king, for he would have been loath to have been noted a wrong doer, and in my submission the king, doubt not, had a great remorse of conscience, wherein he would rather pity me, than malign me. And also there was a continual serpentine enemy about the king [Aun Boleyn] that would, I am well assured, if I had been found stiff-necked, [have] called continually upon the king in his ear (I mean I should with the help of her assistance, obthe night-crow) with such vehemency, that tained sooner the king's indignation." P.316, sey's favour towards learning and learnWe are fully willing to admit Woled men, but that was also approved by Henry. That Wolsey would not have assented to the deposition of the Papal authority is evident from his own dying words (p.389), where he deprecates toleration of Protestants; and therefore, if the King wished to establish the Refor ination, he must have been removed. In the production of this happy change of religion, the following curious circumstance occurred. Anne Boleyn was possessed of "Tyndal's Obedience of a Christian Man," and lent it to an attendant, Mrs. Gainsford, to read. She had a lover named Zouch, and as lovers and kittens are fond of gamboling, he snatched the book out of her hand, and became so delighted with it, that he was always perusing it. The Car |