every individual among them may prove an effectual missionary for the conversion and civilization of the kindred inhabitants of that vast continent, from whose shores their own ancestors were torn by fraud or violence.

So far indeed as the experiment has proceeded, all these results have been already shown to be attainable; and many of them have actually been realized, notwithstanding the mistakes and disappointments which, though to a less extent than in any similar instance, have attended this first enterprise of the American Colonization Society.And if all the benevolent expectations of its founders were not immediately accomplished, should they at once have abandoned their pur. poses in despair, instead of applying proper remedies and correctives to past errors, and effectual checks and preventives to future mistakes, misfortunes, and abuses? Fortunately for humanity, fortunately for the subjects of their beneficence, and happily for Africa, such was not their decision; and the prosperity and increase of the original colony of Monrovia, and its dependencies, the reforms that have been introduced in its administration and government, as well as the multiplication of new settlements within the limits of Liberia, upon improved principles, under better regulations and more favorable auspices, have already been the rewards of their perseverance.

But if the design and expectations of this society should not be fulfilled; if a single emigrant sent to Liberia should be disappointed in his hopes, become dissatisfied, and conclude that it would have been better for him to have remained in this country, it is always in his power to return: for as his own consent was necessary to his removal, nothing more is requisite to enable him to leave the colony, but the mere expense of the homeward passage, which if his own industry should be insufficient to supply, it cannot be presumed that the benevolence of his more fortunate associates, or of his new found patrons, would withhold. Upon his arrival here he would at all events be a fit subject for the patronage of those who aim to elevate the character and condition of our free people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and by removing public prejudice, to enable them, according to their intellectual and moral worth, to share an equality with the whites, of civil and religious privileges.** All this, as far as practicable, can certainly be effected without any necessary interference with the objects of the Colonization Society, unless the returned emigrant should be persuaded to give his public sanction to distorted, exaggerated, or unfounded statements with respect to the health, morals, condition, or prospects of the colony, and defame the motives and proceedings of its founders and their agents. Let then the friends of immediate emancipation proceed in the execution of any practical measure for the moral improvement of our colored population, and let them no longer content themselves with accusing the friends of colonization with indifference to that subject; a charge, which if advanced against the society, as a body, must be pronounced to be absurd, as well as groundless, inasmuch as the improvement of the colored race, except as it attended, and was necessarily induced by their removal to Africa, was not the object for which this society was formed:-and if the charge be alleged against its in* Vide Constitution American Anti-Slavery Society.

dividual members, a mere reference to the number and names of those of them who were members of the state abolition societies, both in this state and Pennsylvania, and who are now actively engaged as trustees of public schools, devoted to the education of free people of color, is sufficient to refute it.

II. The question whether the general emancipation of the slaves would be more speedily effected by arguments addressed to their owners, than in consequence of the means afforded by the Colonization Society of removing them to Africa, and establishing them there, in organized communities, is also, as to the alternative proposed by this society, practical in its nature. And if upon this point there appear any collision or repugnancy between the respective objects of the antislavery and colonization societies, it can only arise from the implied denunciation and declaration of hostility against the latter, contained in the constitution of the former; and from the positive tendency and effect of the measures it proposes, to defeat not only the design of colonization, but even its own purpose of immediate abolition. Already have the jealousies of the south been rekindled by what they consider a presumptuous and wanton interference with their political rights and personal security, on the part of officious strangers ignorant alike of their position and of their opinions. The avowal of immediate abolition as their object was indeed calculated to excite apprehension, as it could scarcely have been possible that such a purpose could be hoped, even by those who avowed it, to be suddenly accomplished by means of arguments and persuasion addressed to the owners of slaves; but rather through such as might be addressed to the slaves themselves; and accordingly the proceedings and publications of modern abolitionists, instead of producing even gradual conviction upon the minds of the former, of the sinfulness of slavery, or leading to improvement in the condition and treatment of the latter, have but provoked resentment and excited alarm in the bosoms of the masters, and occasioned severer restraints upon the physical comforts and moral and religious instruction of the slaves.

But this is not all: the doctrines avowed by the immediate abolitionists, although countenanced only by an insignificant portion of our northern population, have revived in the south a universal distrust of the professions, sentiments, acts, and designs of all northern men and northern institutions, in reference to slavery; and have consequently embarrassed and impeded the operations of the Colonization Society; not indeed in the mode or on the grounds intended by the abolitionists, but in a manner and for reasons directly opposite in their nature, but to an extent and degree which would nevertheless afford to these enemies of colonization ample room for exultation, were it not that this very circumstance disproves the design imputed to the south, of encouraging colonization, from its tendency to perpetuate slavery.

Were it not indeed for those untoward consequences of the antislavery doctrines and proceedings, the friends of colonization might well be content to yield the field of argument and speculation to their adversaries, and silently and resolutely pursue that course of practical measures which obviate at least one formidable impediment to emancipation, by offering to the conscientious possessor of a slave the opportunity of divesting himself of what is imposed on him as property,

frequently by the operation of law alone. It offers to him the means not only of relieving his conscience of a burden, but of removing a weight or an opprobrium cast upon him, perhaps as an inheritance, and which he willingly sustains no longer than the law allows, and humanity permits; no longer than until he can bestow freedom without rendering it a greater curse than slavery itself. The institution of the parent society by the co-operation of citizens from all parts of the union, of whom many were distinguished for patriotism and intelligence, for prudence and discretion, as well as philanthropy and piety, was hailed as a discovery of the happy means of uniting the north and south in one grand enterprise of national benevolence. Beside promoting an intercourse which might remove jealousies and prejudice, and beget mutual confidence and esteem,-the direct object proposed was the colonization of free people of color upon the shores of Africa, with their own voluntary consent. And although the motives of different individuals for concurring in the scheme were doubtless various, yet the general -views of a large majority of its founders were directed not only to the improvement of the moral and physical condition of the free people of color, and embraced through their instrumentality the regeneration of Africa, but comprehended the gradual extinction of slavery as a necessary result. The founders of the American Colonization Society were convinced that without the consent and co-operation of the south, not a step could be taken which led to abolition; and that without the aid and contributions of the north, no funds or resources could be provided either for the removal of such persons of color as might be disposed to emigrate, or to give effect to the intentions of those proprietors who might be disposed to manumit their slaves: while of those founders of the institution who might have originally contemplated the abolition of slavery as the eventual consequence of the colonization system, none probably were of opinion that even if that end could be effected by any method which did not like this insure the preparation necessary for the enjoyment of freedom, it would prove neither advantageous to the slave, safe for his master, nor consistent with the spirit of rational and discreet humanity.

They well know that among the southern proprietors there were many individuals who from principles of policy were anxious for the entire abolition of slavery, but were prevented from manumitting their own slaves, not merely by the laws prohibiting it except on condition of removal, but also by those higher scruples and considerations of duty which forbade the abandonment to their own discretion and control those who from ignorance, infirmity, or vice, needed more powerful restraints and protection than any which the laws afford them. Proprietors of this description would, it was supposed, be encouraged by the colonization system in their benevolent purposes of manumitting such of their slaves as were capable of using their freedom for their own benefit; and of preparing for freedom such of them as might otherwise abuse it to their own injury, as well as to the detriment of society, by giving them such instruction as would fit them for its enjoyment; while those who regard their slaves merely as property would be led by the influence of example, and from a perception of the enhanced profits to be derived from free labor, to adopt from motives of policy and interest the same measure which others had pursued from principle and feeling.

That these hopes and expectations of the founders of the American Colonization Society were not fallacious, is evident from the number and character of the slaves who have already been manumitted, and of those who await emancipation solely from the operation of the colonization system. It is also manifest from the rapid increase of free labor in some of the southern and western states; and it is proved beyond a doubt by the actual adoption of a law for the gradual abolition of slavery, founded upon African colonization, in one of those states, and the prospect of that example being speedily followed by the legislatures of at least two of the others. Another conclusive proof of the direct tendency of colonization to extinguish slavery, arises from the fact of the larger portion of the emigrants to Liberia having been manumitted that they might become colonists; and if any farther testimony be required, it is afforded by the offer of this society to receive, and in the circumstance of its having actually received and appropriated to that object large donations of money, upon the express condition of applying them exclusively to the removal of manumitted slaves.

But it is objected that the system of colonization, admitting it to be beneficial, is necessarily too limited in its objects, and too tardy in its operations, to prove effectual as a remedy for the evils, or as an instrument for the extirpation of slavery. This objection, although professing to admit, merely for the sake of argument, the beneficent character of the enterprise, yet in effect unavoidably and unwittingly concedes the point. Were it however substantially founded, it might the more easily be removed if those who urge it would but co-operate in the attempt; for we can imagine no impenetrable barrier or insuperable obstacle to restrict the efficiency of colonization, except such as arises from the want of pecuniary means to obviate or overcome them; and these means would of course be readily available if our adversaries would but contribute to them a tithe of the sums which they lavish in creating difficulties and erecting impediments to our success. It was never indeed contemplated by the founders of the scheme to colonize the whole of our free colored population, much less to remove from this country all who are now in bondage. It will be well if means be found to insure the emancipation and removal annually of a number equal to the present annual increase of the slave population, or even of all whose freedom may be obtained upon the condition of their removal. But whether the number of those who emigrate be greater or less, in proportion at all events to that number must be the benefits derived from the colonization system. And surely none but those who avowedly prefer that every slave that now exists, or hereafter may be born on this continent, should remain in bondage, rather than obtain freedom at the price of removing to the land of his origin; none but those who, with the example and history of their own country's settlement before them, assert that Colonization extends to Africa the vices, but not the benefits of civilization;' none but such hardy objectors will insist that nothing should be essayed, because every thing cannot be accomplished; that not a single slave should be liberated, because all cannot be set free at once. Time and experience are alone requisite to convince those who are not wilfully blind, that this objection is as futile as it is unfounded; and time and experience alone can determine whe

ther the plan of colonization, or the means proposed by its opponents, are the best adapted to improve the intellectual, moral, and religious condition' of the colored race; and whether the former in its effects and consequences does not promote the abolition of slavery more certainly and securely, and even more speedily, than the direct efforts of the immediate abolitionists.

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This board however will by no means intermit their exertions or relax in their perseverance until these questions can be determined. Their past experience is sufficient to confirm and strengthen their original confidence in the wisdom, beneficence, and practicability of their enterprise; and they will resolutely continue to pursue it through good report and through evil report, without being overawed or tempted to deviate from their avowed and legitimate purpose of removing to the shores of Africa such free persons of color as are willing to emigrate, and are worthy to become colonists of Liberia: and if under Providence this society should be instrumental in carrying Christianity and its attendant blessings into that boundless waste of heathenism, which extends beyond the field of their immediate efforts, the board of managers will consider themselves overpaid for all the labor, anxiety, and reproach they have endured, and for all they may be called on to sustain. And in conclusion they would ask, What directly meditated purpose can be imagined more exalted or more hallowed than this merely incidental consequence of the colonization enterprise? Instead extending 'to Africa the vices but not the benefits of civilization,' it has already accomplished almost literally the reverse; and if it has not sent forth the blessings, wholly unalloyed by the vices, of cultivated life, it is because they are to a certain degree inseparable from each other. The essential advantages of civilization have nevertheless been imparted to Liberia, while its inherent evils have been restrained and mitigated. Ample testimony moreover is at hand to vindicate the character of the colony, and to prove that as a moral and religious community it is excelled by few, perhaps by none, on the American continent, or in the British isles. Not only have the lights of Gospel truth, of education, and virtuous knowledge, as well as of practical science, and the useful arts, been enkindled in these infant settlements, but they have gone forth among the heathen who surround them. The hall of justice and the seminary of learning have been reared, and the Christian temple already lifts its spire to heaven. Already have the heralds of the cross borne sacred fire from its altar into the dark regions beyond the desert; and ere long Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hand,' and the 'heads of her princes' be illumined by the lambent flame, which as it enlightens, purifies, and as it expands the heart and mind to the love and contemplation of the ever-living God, warms the whole man to sympathy and charity with every tribe and individual of his kind.

All which is respectfully submitted.

IRA B. UNDERHILL, Rec. Sec'y.

New-York, May 11, 1835.

W. A. DUER, President.