counting the lives lost in battles among the natives | dling, the influence you once had with him, and for victims, and in transportation, and the number make yourself personally offensive to him. actually sold, as slaves, it involved the annual de- After this, though the object you have in view struction in 1840 of not less than 300,000* human beings. Whereas, when she commenced to put down this trade, the largest estimates did not put the loss from death and slavery together at more than 80,000 souls a year. When we are ill and find ourselves growing worse under this or that course of treatment, we change the course, and try new remedies. But this England would never consent to do, until she was brought to it by us at the treaty of Washington in 1841-2.

The African clause of that treaty was suggested by this journal-proof-sheets of which were sent by its late editor to Lord Ashburton and to members of the Cabinet on the arrival of the former in this country. The treaty presents a literal transcript of the plan there proposed.

be really the most noble, and though you act from the best and most disinterested motives, still, after such a state of things has been brought about between you, would you not consider any direct interference on your part as tending only to make matters worse? You certainly would. If England and her abolitionists really desired to make the chains more galling upon our slaves, could any course be adopted that would so completely effect their object as the one now pursued? England feels it her duty to procure the abolition of slavery here!

Pardon this episode. We love justice and hate oppression whatever be its color,

Neither are we the advocates of slavery nor enemies to the slave. We hope we are his friend. But the institution with us, regard it as we may, is And what has been the result? Let Lord Aber- a matter which admits of no discussion, will brook deen tell. He stated in Parliament, on the 25th of no interference from abroad. It is a domestic inJuly last, that the number of slaves torn from stitution. And neither the British Government Africa from 1768 to 1841 had averaged from 58,000 nor its anti-slavery societies have any more to do to 100,000 a year, that in 1840 the number was with it here than they have with the peccadillos of From the disposition of 90,000, but in 1842-3 it only amounted to 25,000- the man in the moon. less than it has ever been known to be for 100 man, it is but natural that the censorship of Engyears. Such are the beneficial effects of this land in this matter, like that of all anti-slavery treaty of cooperation. And if England would but intruders, should only aggravate an evil, of which, let the right of search alone, and use her influence if let alone, we should be too happy to rid ourselves. with other nations, as the United States long ago. Fanaticism as it regards the Republican form of proposed that she should, inducing them to declare Government, and an ardent desire thoroughly to the trade piracy and to coöperate each one with a inoculate the subjects of Queen Victoria with naval force on the coast of Africa, in two years democratic notions, and with our ideas as to the more a slaver would be as rare on the Ocean as a sovereignty of the people, surely would be as expirate now is. But at the time of announcing such satisfactory results of this, the American plan for suppressing the slave trade, his Lordship produced, amidst the commendatory plaudits of hear! hear! a new set of instructions to English cruisers, directing them to search vessels under the American flag to see if they were entitled to wear it!

The course which the same Government and

cusable in us as a people, as the anti-slavery mania is in Great Britain. Suppose therefore we should become as raving mad as to the political condition of her subjects as she is with regard to the domestic concerns of the slave-holding States of the Union, and that the American Secretary of State should write to the British Government the counterpart of Lord Aberdeen's letter. It is easier to imagine

than describe his Lordship's manner and air at opening and reading such a despatch as this from the

American Government:

the abolitionists are pursuing with regard to the question of slavery among us only aggravates the evil. This interference continually makes matters worse too0. And here again the maxims of common "Department of State, etc. "We desire to see Ireland free and independent. sense, supposing England and the abolitionists sincere in their sympathy for the black, ought at least It must be and is well known both to England and for his sake, to prevail with them. Their advice is the whole world, that the United States are constantly exerting themselves to procure the general spurned, and by officious intermeddling and their dethronement of kings throughout the world, and own indiscretion they have become exceedingly to establish republican democracies in their stead. obnoxious to slave-holders. Your neighbor does But the means which we have adopted and will not manage his domestic affairs as you wish that he continue to adopt for this humane and virtuous purshould, and as you believe would be more condu-pose, are open and undisguised.

cive to the comfort of his family for whom you have a great regard. And in your frantic desire to see matters with him on a different footing, you tamper with his servants, fritter away, by intermed

British estimate.

"With regard to Ireland, we avow that we wish to see aristocracy abolished there as elsewhere. But although we earnestly claim and feel it to be our duty to promote such a consummation we shall not interfere unduly, or with an improper assump tion of authority either with the people of England or Ireland in order to secure such a course.

parody.

The tone of this letter, the connection between Lord Brougham and the anti-slavery societies of London, their sentiments, the principles which they avow, their course of conduct, and all the circumstances of the case between Great Britain and the United States as now presented, bring forcibly to mind that dreadful state of things which existed between France and Great Britain fifty years ago.

"The United States Government, as Great Britain | Aberdeen's, reference being made to political serwell knows, have never sought in any way to stir vitude instead of domestic slavery, to make the up disaffection or excitement of any kind among the oppressed people of Ireland. Much as we should wish to see that island placed on the firm and solid footing which we conscientiously believe is to be attained under the Republican form of Government alone, we have never in our treatment of them made any difference between the aristocratic and democratic portions of the realm. All are, in our eyes, entitled, as component parts of the realm, to equal political respect, favor and forbearance, on our part. And the aristocratic counties of the realm may be assured that we shall not desist The French then, were the friends of humanity par from those open and honest efforts which we have constantly made for the subversion of monarchies and the establishment throughout the world of free Governments founded upon the sovereignty of the people.

"You will communicate this dispatch to her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and if he should desire it, you will leave a copy of it with him. UNCLE SAM."

Signed,

excellence, and felt it their duty to interfere with the domestic institutions of England. There was orator Brissot, like Lord Brougham, now, with his Societies des Amis des Noirs, preaching the doctrines of abolition and fanning the flames of popular insurrection, servile revolt and massacre.

England was then acting on the defensive; she was then, too, encumbered with slaves herself; and occupied, with regard to France, very much the position which we now hold with regard to her. Let us therefore apply to her the golden rule "do unto others;" for history with its faithful pen, tells us exactly how far the renegade slave-holder was then disposed to tolerate any foreign inter

To complete the parallel, let us call together our world's convention to anathematise monarchies, and to curse the aristocracy of England, let our people send over to Ireland their emissary Garrisons, et al, preaching "war to the palace; peace to the cottage," universal suffrage, social equality, politi-ference whatever with the slaves of her subjects. cal regeneration of man every where. And the The circumstances which we would bring to mind, red hot democrats who would come over here from occurred 50 years ago in the British House of ComEngland to plot treason against her aristocratic mons, when the Canada bill was under consideration, institutions, let them be invited to conferences upon and when the memorable debate took place between the subject by our cabinet ministers as the aboli- Mr. Fox and Burke on the French revolution. tionists from America have been by the English Great men were present, and it was in times of ministry. Moreover, let Congress recognize the high excitement. The opposition was strong, minprinciple of laying discriminating duties* in favor of isters able, debate animated and eloquent. The merchandise, the produce of Republics-and to British Parliament, adorned as it is with great complete the parallel, let us suppose that one half names, never presented a more splendid array of of the people of this country be formed into re- talent than it did on that occasion. Pitt dazzling peal associations and anti-monarchical societies with the world with the compass and splendor of his their representatives in Congress constantly making youthful mind was then at the head of the miniscalls on the Government in the name of these try. He was present on the occasion. There too societies, for information concerning the effects in were lords North and Granville, Grey and Sheridan, Ireland of their agitation, as Lord Brougham, in the excellent Willberforce and a host of others, not behalf of the anti-slavery societies of London, does so great only because not so good. The two of ministers in Parliament concerning the aboli- champions, the old man and his disciple, walked tion of slavery with us. together and entered the house arm in arm. It was the last time they appeared as friends-and they had been bosom friends for twenty-five years— for they were about to split upon the "rights of man."

Let such be the circumstances, and what in England would be thought of such a despatch from the American Government?

Both ministry and people would rise up against it in a body, and with one voice pronounce it more dangerous and offensive, wicked and alarming than the famous decree of the French nation granting fraternity and assistance to all people who wish to recover their freedom; and about which, England, dragging kings and emperors with her, plunged the whole of Europe in war for more than twenty years. Yet this letter is but a transcript of Lord *Discriminating duties were laid this year in England against slave grown coffee.

The scene was gorgeous and the auditory intent and eager.

"Feeble as my powers are in comparison with my honorable friend's, whom I must call my master, for every thing I know in politics," said Mr. Fox in the delightful tones of his oratory, "I owe to him, I should yet ever be ready to maintain my principles tain that the rights of man, which he states as even against his superior eloquence. I will mainchimerical and visionary, are, in fact, the basis and foundation of every rational Constitution, and even

of the British Constitution itself, as the statute- fection: to us, poor, weak, incapable mortals, there book abundantly proves: for what is the original is no safe rule of conduct, but experience." compact between the king and the people there recognized but the recognition of the inherent rights Mr. Fox rose to reply, but his utterance was of the people, as men, which no prescription can choked with emotion. The strain was heavy; the supersede, no action remove or obliterate. leaders of the whig party-the two great chamIf these principles are dangerous to the Con-pions of human liberty-were melted to tears; the stitution, they are the principles of my right hono- ties of a life time were broken, and the departing rable friend from whom I learned them. During the American war, we have together rejoiced at spirit of friendship which graced the scene and the success of a Washington, and mourned, almost made the struggle glorious, was gone forever. in tears, for the fate of a Montgomery. From The whigs held a meeting over this great schism him I have learned that the revolt of a whole peo- in their ranks, and the next morning, the old man ple can not be the result of excitement or encou- eloquent found himself read out of Parliament and ragement, but must have proceeded from provoca

The following is from the Morning Chronicle of May, 1791 :

tion. Such was his doctrine, when he said with excommunicated by his party. Confessing himequal energy and emphasis, that he could not draw self too well stricken in years to seek another, his a bill of indictment against a whole people. I spirit was yet too haughty for recantation, too proud grieve to find that he has since learned to draw to seek new alliances, he therefore bowed to the such an indictment and to crown it with all the disgrace and left the House. technical epithets which disgrace our statute-book. “Taught by my right honorable friend that no revolt of a nation can spring but from provocation, I could not help feeling joy ever since the Constitu- "The great and firm body of the whigs of Engtion of France was founded on the rights of man, land, true to their principles, have decided on the the basis on which the British Constitution itself is dispute between Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke; and the rested. To vilify it is neither more nor less than former is declared to have maintained the pure docto libel the British Constitution; and no book my trines by which they are bound together, and upon right honorable friend can write, how able so ever; which they have invariably acted. The conseno speech he can deliver, how eloquent so ever, quence is, Mr. Burke retires from Parliament." can induce me to abandon or change that opinion. Mr. Burke was in advance of his age, for poli"I, for one, admire the Constitution of France. tical forecast. And it was during this debate that I consider it, all together, as the most stupendous and glorious edifice of liberty which has ever been he sketched out in their practical bearings the docerected on the foundations of human integrity in trines proclaimed by the " Amis des Noirs" and the any age or country."

principles now uttered by England and abolitionists. "Are we," said he, "to give them-the ancient Canadians-the French Constitution-a constitu tion founded on principles diametrically opposite to ours-as different from it as wisdom from folly, as virtue from vice-as the most opposite extremes

Mr. Burke commenced his reply in a grave and solemn tone, befitting, says the historian, the solemnity of the occasion, and the rending asunder of ties which had endured unbroken, for the quarter of a century. After one of the most brilliant but touching displays of oratory that has ever been wit-in nature-a constitution founded on what is called nessed in the British House of Commons, he concluded in tones of deep pathos :

"It is perhaps indiscretion at any period, but especially at my advanced years, to provoke enemies, or give friends an occasion for desertion; but, if a firm and steady adherence to the British Constitution should place me in such a dilemma, I will risk all, and with my last words, exclaim, Fly from the French Constitution."

the RIGHTS OF MAN? Let it be examined by its practical effects in the French West India Colonies. These, notwithstanding three disastrous wars, were most happy and flourishing till they heard of THE RIGHTS OF MAN. As soon as this system arrived among them, Pandora's box, replete with mortal evils, seemed to fly open, hell itself to yawn, and every demon of mischief to overspread the face of the earth. Blacks rose against whites, and whites against blacks, and each against the other in murderous hostility; subordination was de

Black spirits and white, blue spirits and gray, Mingle, mingle, mingle.'

"There is no loss of friends," said Mr. Fox. "Yes," said Burke, "there is loss of friends. I know the price of my conduct. I have done my duty at the price of him I love. Our friendship is stroyed, the bonds of society torn asunder, and at an end. With my last breath, I will earnestly every man seemed to thirst for the blood of his entreat the two right honorable gentlemen who are neighbour. the great rivals in this House, that whether they hereafter move in the political hemisphere as two flaming meteors, or walk together like brethren, hand in hand, to preserve and cherish the British All was toil and trouble, discord and blood, from Constitution; to guard it against innovation, and the moment this doctrine was promulgated among save it from the dangers of theoretic alterations. them; and I verily believe, that wherever the rights It belongs to the infinite and unspeakable Power, the Deity, who with his arm hurls a comet like a of man are preached, such will ever have bees, projectile out of its course, and enables it to enand ever will be the consequences. France, who dure the sun's heat and the pitchy darkness of the had generously sent them the precious gift of the chilly night, to aim at the formation of infinite per- rights of man, did not like this image of herself

reflected in her child, and sent out a body of troops, well seasoned too with the rights of man, to restore order and obedience. These troops, as soon as they arrived, instructed as they were in the principles of government, felt themselves bound to become parties in the general rebellion, and, like most of their brethren at home, began asserting their rights, by cutting off the head of their general."*

spread to our Colonial possessions in that quarter;" and, there in the halls of British Legislation, and in the name of the British government, he urged this, as one of the reasons for continuing to make war.

It was in those times too, and in reference to this very principle, of allowing other nations to interfere with their domestic concerns, that Mr. Burke made use of the famous simile which was

Alison, at page 240 of his beautifully written never surpassed for felicity of application. He history, says:

said, "If my neighbor's house be in flames, and the fire is likely to spread to my own, I am justified in interfering to divert a disaster which promises to be equally fatal to us both."

"Hardly had the cry of liberty and equality been raised in France, when it responded warmly and vehemently from the shores of St. Domingo. InTo this observation, says Tory Alison, the histodependently of the natural passion for liberty which must ever exist among those who are subjected to Jew, for that word. And to it, no answer ever rian, no answer has ever been made. Thank you, the restraints of servitude, the slave population of this colony were rapidly assailed by revolutionary the duty of self preservation, written at creation will be made, so long as the first law of nature, agents and emissaries, and the workshops and fields of the planters overrun by heated missionaries, who poured into an ignorant and ardent multitude, the new born ideas of European freedom."-Vol. II. And again, in the faithful language of philosophy teaching by example, he ascribes the insurrection of St. Domingo to the inflammatory addresses circulated on that island by the self styled Pray, my Lord, in your next despatch bear these Amis des Noirs, the anti-slavery societies of Paris; things in mind; and recollect, that with regard to and thus remarks upon the sudden transition from slavery in this country at least, England can not be a state of slavery to one of servile emancipation: permitted, at this late day, to enact the fable of the "A child does not acquire the strength of man- fox and the trap. When some self-righteous neighhood in an hour; nor a tree the consistency of the bour of yours, holding high his head, and thanking hardy denizens of the forest, in a season. The God that he is not as other men, shall tell you that basty philanthropists,―(would Lord Brougham be the restraints put upon your servants are cruel, less hasty now than Brissot then was ?)-who con- that though the rules you have adopted in your doferred upon an ignorant slave population, the pre-mestic arrangements with regard to them, are sanccipitate gift of freedom, did them a greater injury than their worst enemies. To the indolence of the negro character, the blacks of St. Domingo have joined the vices of European corruption; profligate, idle and disorderly, they have declined both in numbers and in happiness; from being the greatest sugar plantation in the world, that island has been reduced to the necessity of importing that valuable produce; and the inhabitants, naked and voluptuous, are fast receding into the state of nature from which their ancestors were torn two centuries ago by the rapacity of Christian avarice."

on the heart of man, remains unrepealed by the materials, and a spark falling there, from the frangreat Jehovah. Texas is of most inflammable tic benevolence of Lord Brougham and his Brissots, or lighting there from the wild interference of Lord Aberdeen, might wrap a portion of this confederacy in a blood red conflagration.

tioned by custom, yet they are wicked and oppressive; that the butler, the steward and cook, the boots and the ostler, should be admitted as your equals in society and treated as such at home, and that such being his sentiments, he felt it his duty to interfere with your domestic concerns, in order to promote such a consummation. When you, my Lord, shall be ready, quietly to sit down, and patiently to hear the ravings of such a madman, then, but not till then, may England tell America, she feels it her duty to procure the abolition of slavery

among us.

When the opposition in the persons of Fox, She- Moderate ourselves, we would impose a spirit ridan and Willberforce declaimed against the war of caution every where upon the agitation of this in '94, as a contest "of doubtful policy in its com- question among us, and thus sever from the future mencement, and more than doubtful justice in its progress of emancipated freedom, those bloody principles," Mr. Pitt in behalf of the English min- triumphs by which its past history has been often istry replied: "Peace would at once prove destruc-stained. Of this one thing, the abolitionist every tive to the French West India Islands, by deliver- where may rest assured, that the South, if it can ing them over to anarchy and Jacobinism, and from not convince with reason, will at least resist with them, the flame of servile revolt would speedily fortitude.

* Burke's Speeches.

*Alison. Vol. 1, p. 362.

"The spider's most attenuated thread-
Is cord, is cable, to man's tender tie
On earthly bliss; it breaks with every breeze."

against the open casement of her latticed bower, gazing out upon the smooth waters of the Ægean. A dreamy melancholy rested on her fair face; the cloudless azure of the high heavens was not more beautifully clear than was her full beaming eye, then humid with mournful tenderness. The evening's gambolling zephyrs had scattered her long flaxen tresses unrestrainedly over her soft cheek, which rested upon her small hand, whilst the other held a lute, from whose strings sweet sounds had but a few moments before floated on the odorous air-but they were hushed in deathly stillness, for Ino's heart echoed not their tones of gladness.

what."

an instrument rarely touched by a Greek, it being of Turkish invention and monopoly. But ere she had time to solve the mystery, a gush of joyful relief chased away the thrill of her terror, when she turned and beheld Adrian Marcova at her side.

Young. A soft and dreamy twilight was slowly robing in its hazy vesture the beautiful isle of Scio. Bal- Surely," continued she, "blessed with Adrian's my zephyrs, laden with spicy, aromatic odors, love, I should joy in the present, and the magic gently lifted the young flowret's bloom to drink in wand of Hope conjures nought but a bright future the refreshing dews of evening, ere it folded its to my ardent fancy-but yet, a shadow of darktender petals for the calm repose of night :—while ness seems to pass o'er its brightness, and like a they passed o'er the limpid waters of the blue receding sail she flits into dimness,' leaving me Ægean, with scarcely a perceptible motion, so oppressed with a boding dread of-I know not unruffled was its surface, it seemed more like an unbroken, waveless mirror than a vast body of that Ino started a long drawn sigh answered her element ever susceptible of violent and tempes- musing query-the step of some one cautiously tuous agitation. Well might Scio be termed the retreating from the closely surrounding shrubbery "Paradise of modern Greece," for the scenery was distinctly heard, and as she bent forward, a which meets the traveller's eye as he sails through few tinkling notes of a tambroul caused her heart the Strait, approaching the island, is pronounced to beat with increased fear, for she knew it was to be unequalled by any thing in the Archipelago. The mountains are removed some distance from the shores, so that it appears in all its loveliness, while the town of Scio presents a magnificent slope, covered with gardens extending to the very edge of the sea, all filled with flowery luxuriants "Ino," said he, "why is thy brow so contracted and odoriferous plants. Trees producing the finest and shaded, or thy lute so ominously silent? Harm fruits in the greatest profusion form extensive can not come nigh thee when Adrian is near." groves of inexpressible beauty and richness, midst He seated himself at her feet, and looked inquiwhich, gleam the white houses of Venetian archi-ringly into her face, which soon regained its usual tecture, presenting a lively contrast to the ever- brightness. "It does indeed seem," continued he, greens overshadowing them. While the loud and "as if congenial spirits, even when separated, are terrible war-cry, followed by the deadly blows of subject to the same mysterious communings-for the yataghan dealt by the ferocious Turk, were devastating the whole of Greece with the noble blood of her slain, this "flower of the Levant" bloomed in peaceful beauty, basking in the sunshine of blissful ease, and enjoying Nature's vast store of unrivalled perfection. The joyous music of her bright-tinted birds breathed a melodious anthem of rest, as if they too were happy and He paused. The varying changes of Ino's face, grateful to thus chime their vocal tribute to the as she listened to so strange and unusual a confesGreat Creator for the blessing of so bright an sion, seemed to check the freedom of further exabode. Could sorrow breathe her sigh, or fetter planation. The curls which had so luxuriantly the heart, where so much scenic grandeur and love- shaded her brow and cheek, were wildly pushed liness saluted the eye? Hist! methinks I hear the back--every rosy tint had fled from the latter, murmur of a sad voice even in that Paradise-Ah! while from her eye was banished the moisture of yes, there is no spot too bright, or too hallowed, tenderness, as she bent it, bright and distended with since the loss of our primeval gift of perfect hap- startled scrutiny, upon the gloomy face of her lover. piness, that can prove secure against the intrusion "Not happy," said she, drawing a long breath, of her tearful visage. while her lip trembled with aroused emotion"Alas! why is my spirit held in such sad du-"why this sudden change, Adrian? a few days ago rance," murmured Ino Del Castro, as she leaned thou did'st confess thyself supremely blest with

ere I sought thee, there was-nay, at this moment, there is a deadly weight upon my soul, a powerful struggle with internal gloom, which not even the holy calm of this hour, nor the sunlight of thy beauty and love can disperse from my mind. Yes, Ino, it is in vain to longer conceal from thee, that I am, even now, miserable and unhappy."