have the power of conferring benefits upon millions, to have a part in measures which may affect the most remote posterity, and to associate his name with the history of his country, is indeed the noblest reward of an upright and intelligent citizen. But he, who aspires to distinction in public life, must lay the foundations of his ambition broad and deep. He must be minutely acquainted with the history of his own country, and well versed in that of the civilized world. The knowledge of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures must be added to that of law and history, to complete the qualifications of a statesman, "thoroughly furnished to every good work."

But there are still more acquirements to be obtained, without which all this knowledge and talent would be instruments of error or corruption. The lawyer must have his moral principles strengthened and confirmed by religious belief; not an attachment to particular phrases and terms, or a belief in the infallibility of a party or a sect, but a steadfast persuasion of the duties which man owes to his Creator, and a deep conviction of their continual importance. This faith, as inculcated, confirmed, and explained by the Founder of Christianity, should receive his most serious attention, and his most implicit submission. He should examine the tenets of the various sects of religionists, and carefully consider the influence of their several opinions upon their practice. From this examination, he will learn a mild and catholic spirit; and will perceive that many, who in profession are bitterly opposed to each other, are in fact united in principle and in practice.

I have hitherto avoided speaking of one principle, which is to give life and animation to the whole. I mean that ardent love of excellence, which, untired by exertion, and undismayed by opposition, pursues learning for its own sake, and in silence and neglect, is content with personal improvement. He who possesses this spirit is sure of distinction. In the profession of law, more than in any other pursuit in life, his reward is certain. But if by any fatality his merit should be overlooked, his very studies have prepared him

for happiness in obscurity.

Possessing an active and well regulated mind, he will never become the victim of discontent or weariness. As his studies have been liberally extended over the whole circle of science, he can never be at a loss for agreeable and elevated employment; and as his passions have been purified and his hopes enlarged by Christian faith, he can look without emotion upon the changes of the world, and calmly await his removal to another scene.

1816.

ECONOMY IN PUBLIC SERVICE.

No word in the language has been so often misunderstood

and perverted as economy. It is generally confounded

with parsimony, or mere saving of money, a quality from which it is entirely distinct. Economy is a wise regulation of expense, and not a forbearance of expense. It consists in judiciously adapting the means to the end; in applying to a given purpose all the power necessary to effect it, and no more. It is therefore as much removed from parsimony as from extravagance.

A few examples will render the distinction plain. A young mechanic, who should refuse to furnish himself with the tools of his trade, that he might save the money they cost, would be parsimonious, but not economical. A merchant, who should neglect to provide his ship with proper sails and equipments, might hoard his money, but would have no pretensions to economy. If we should see a father employing in trade the money necessary for the education of his children, and suffering them to grow up in ignorance, though we might speak of his parsimony, we should hardly venture to ascribe to him the merit of economy.

Parsimony, in its consequences, generally tends to loss. In the examples we have just given, the mechanic and merchant would ultimately lose money, by the the present saving; and in the third case, the loss would be still greater, though of a different kind,—a loss not to be repaired by any subsequent gain.

As men are generally more inclined to spend than to save, it is more frequently the office of economy to curtail, than to enlarge expenses. But it is not always so; and great evil arises from not making the necessary discrimination. Every man thinks he has the capacity of being economical, when in fact he may have only the capacity of being parsimonious. Parsimony demands nothing but a knowledge of subtraction; economy requires talents of a high order. A man to be economical must proceed like the inventor of a machine. He must place distinctly in his view the object to be effected, and the power under his control; and must then apply the power to the object in a manner to waste as little of it as possible. Economy would reduce the expense of a steam engine, by diminishing the friction and increasing the velocity; parsimony would leave the machine as it was, and take away half the fuel.

We have been led to these remarks by the cry of economy, which has recently been raised in several parts of the Union. If economy were really meant by the cry, we should be glad to hear it; for we would not have a cent unnecessarily expended. But if the mere saving of money be intended, without regard to consequences,-if economical reform mean the sacrifice of any thing necessary

to the honor, or safety, or prosperity of the nation, we must be pardoned, if we hesitate to give it our support. There are many things in life more valuable than money; and a nation, like an individual, may suffer irremediable losses by an ill-timed parsimony. If the salaries or perquisites of any public offices are too high,—that is, if the highest qualifications can be commanded for a less sum,-reduce them. If any office be unnecessary, abolish it. If any expenditure be wasteful, diminish it. But do not let us degrade the

government, or endanger the safety of the people, for any paltry consideration of present gain. It is very easy to reduce salaries, and diminish expenses, but it is not so easy to govern well a great and powerful people. We might get a governor of New-Hampshire for one hundred dollars,— nay, our almshouse would furnish a president for fifty; we might save ninety thousand dollars a year, by repealing our school tax; but we trust no one, at present, would contend, that we should be either better taught, or better governed, after this radical reform.

Dec. 14, 1822.