God? That cannot have entered your mind. For however stubbornly they pressed their suit, was it not your duty, Sir, out of reverence for the most high and true and living God, to resist them with even greater stubbornness and refuse what was derogatory to the Law of God?

8. Who grudges your giving others what you please? We do not pry into your generosity, we do not grudge others their advantages. But we are the interpreters of the faith. How will you offer your gifts to Christ? Few will judge of your actions, everyone will judge of your intentions. Whatever they do will be ascribed to you, whatever they do not do, to themselves. Indeed you are emperor; all the more must you submit yourself to God. How will Christ's bishops be able to dispense your benefactions?

9. There was a question of this kind in the days of old, but even persecution yielded to the faith of our fathers, and heathendom gave way. For "when certain games that came every fifth year were kept at Tyre", and the villainous King of Antioch had come to see them, Jason ordered the temple stewards, as Antiochians of Jerusalem, to take three hundred silver didrachmas and give them to the sacrifice of Hercules. But our fathers did not give the money to the heathen. They sent faithful men to protest that it was not paid for sacrifices to the gods, which was not fitting, but given for other expenses. And it was declared that, as he had said that the money was sent for the sacrifice of Hercules, it should be used for the purpose for which it had been sent. But when those who brought it replied in accordance with their own feelings and their own religion that it was not available for the sacrifice, but for other necessities, the money was handed over to build ships. Although they sent the money under compulsion it was not used for the sacrifice, but for other State expenses.

10. Of course those who brought it could have said nothing; but that would have done violence to their faith, for they knew for what purpose it was given. So they sent men who feared God to secure that what was sent should not be assigned to the temple but to pay for ships. They entrusted the money to them to plead the cause of the holy Law. The result was judge, and

4 II Macc. 4:18-20. To judge from the rhythm, rex sceleratissimus, Ambrose transfers "villainous" from Jason to Antiochus. But I have not followed Wytzes, who also transfers Antiochenses to the didrachmas, but have assumed that the clumsy Latin preserves the original sense. Verse 9 explains why they were Antiochians of Jerusalem.

this declared them innocent. If men who were in the power of another took such precautions, there can be no doubt, Sir, what your duty was. You were under no compulsion, in no one's power, and you should have taken the advice of a bishop. 11. For my part, although I was the only one to resist, I was not the only one to desire and counsel resistance. Therefore I am bound by my own words before God and before all men, and I have come to see that I have no other choice and no other duty than to consult my own interests. For I could not honestly give in to you. I have for a long time repressed my grief and long concealed it, thinking it right to say nothing to anyone. But now I must not dissemble, I am not at liberty to be silent. When you wrote to me at the beginning of your reign, I did not reply, because I foresaw that this would happen. When I did not answer and you demanded a reply, I said: "The reason for this is that I think it will be extorted from him."

12. But when occasion arose for the exercise of my office on behalf of persons anxious about their fate, I wrote and interceded for them, showing that, while in the cause of God I feel a proper fear and do not set flattery above the good of my soul, in cases where petition should properly be made to you, I too show the deference due to your authority. For it is written: "Honour to whom honour, tribute to whom tribute.” When I cordially deferred to the private citizen, how could I not defer to the emperor? But since you desire deference to yourself, allow me to defer to him whom you wish to be considered the author of your empire.

s For Ambrose's use of episcopal intercessio see the note to Letter 40:25.

Letter 63: The Episcopal Election at Vercellae

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INTRODUCTION

MBROSE'S LONGEST EXTANT LETTER, AND ONE OF his last, was written in A.D. 396 to the Christians of Vercellae, some forty-five miles west of Milan, during the vacancy of the See. Until c. 345-350 Vercellae had been within the diocese of Milan, which probably had no precise boundaries then, at any rate to the north and west. Its first bishop was Eusebius, a Sardinian, who was a Reader at Rome, when he was chosen for the new See. He came to be one of the outstanding bishops of his time. Faithful to the creed of Nicaea, he withstood Constantius at the Council of Milan, A.D. 355, and was banished to Scythopolis in Palestine, whose bishop was an Arian. Under Julian's edict of toleration he was able to return from exile, took part with Athanasius in the Council of Alexandria of A.D. 362, and was sent from it to Antioch to negotiate an end of the schism there, only to be forestalled and frustrated by Lucifer of Cagliari (his fellow-confessor at Milan), who consecrated Paulinus as Bishop of Antioch. At Vercellae he introduced the practice of having his clergy live together under a monastic rule.

A letter written by Eusebius from exile gives us some idea of the great extent of his diocese, and a fortiori of the diocese of Milan before Vercellae had been subtracted from it. It is addressed to his congregations (plebes) in four cities, Vercellae, Novara, Hippo Regia (Eporedia, Ivrea) and Dertona (Tortona). The diocesanization of North Italy quickened its pace in the second half of the fourth century, and by the time Ambrose wrote Letter 63, Dertona certainly and Eporedia possibly had become separate dioceses. Ambrose intended to give Novara a bishop, but this was in fact done by his successor. Eusebius died about A.D. 370, and was succeeded by Limenius, who was present at the Council of Aquileia, 381. By the

sixth century he was being venerated as a saint, but it is noteworthy that in the present letter, with its lavish praise of Eusebius, nothing is said of his successor.

The death of Limenius was followed by a long vacancy, the people being unable to decide upon a candidate. Ambrose, as metropolitan, intervened with the present letter. It may be that the division of the diocese had caused some difficulty, though of this there is no evidence. It may be that Limenius was somehow responsible for the existence of party strife, since he is not commended by Ambrose. The principal cause of controversy, however, is plain enough, and calls for a word about Jovinian. Once a monk in Ambrose's own monastery outside the walls of Milan, Jovinian reacted against asceticism, went to Rome, and began to attack not simply the practice of celibacy and abstinence, but the prevalent notion that these states and virtues of themselves earned a higher reward in heaven. He made his position more precarious by denying the perpetual virginity of Mary. He was excommunicated by Pope Siricius in 392 and went to Milan, pursued by a letter from Siricius to the northern bishops, warning them against him. He was accordingly condemned by a Milanese council, oddly enough as a Manichaean (Ambrose, Letter 42, gives the details), and was attacked about the same time in Jerome's Adversus Jovinianum, a work which shows Jerome at his worst. Jovinian was expelled from Milan, and is heard of no more; but two of his disciples, Sarmatio and Barbatianus, also ex-monks, are found at work in Vercellae, where they seem to have secured a considerable backing. It might be conjectured that Limenius had given them some encouragement, though again there is no proof of this. It might also be conjectured that one of the divisive issues was whether or not the clergy should live under a monastic rule. Of course, it may be only that the more easy-going and wealthier laymen of Vercellae did not want a bishop who would be always exhorting them to fasting, poverty and celibacy, while others favoured this ideal.

Ambrose, who had founded a monastery and written numerous ascetic works, was naturally eager to stamp out any traces of Jovinianism and to see that the clergy of Vercellae should still-or again-live under a monastic rule. His praise of Eusebius must be understood in the light of this intention. Ambrose is not merely saying to them: "You had a good bishop once, make sure of finding another." Again, although much of the letter consists at first sight of ordinary moral teaching such

as any bishop might give to any congregation, it is probable that most of it bears directly on the matters which were dividing the people. The letter is also interesting as showing how great a part the laity might play at this period in the choice of their bishop, and how much store was set by unanimity or substantial agreement as a token of divine approbation. After the election by the clergy and people, the candidate had to be approved by the metropolitan and consecrated by the bishops of the province. Thus local knowledge was balanced with a wider outlook and experience.

The letter was not successful in ending the strife, and Ambrose found it necessary to go to Vercellae. Eventually Honoratus was appointed, a presbyter who had been with Eusebius in exile and presumably shared his views. To him fell the sad duty of administering the last rites to Ambrose on the 4th April, A.D. 397.