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ries and Co. Royal 8vo. 75. 6d. boards. Murray. London, 1789.
The utility of these tables is obvious; and the author's advertise. ment is the best account we can give of them.
The extraordinary fall in the exchange between this country and France within these few years, has rendered all the tables hitherto published of no use, none of them going lower than 29d, except Mr. Webb’s, which though very ingenious, yet being calculated in a peculiar manner, are liable to error, if great care is not taken in the application: even his only go down to 28d; whereas it is well known that the course has been much below that, and is still on the decline.
o The public have therefore been for a considerable time paft in want of such a set as those now proposed; and the author, to obviate that inconvenience which he has frequently experienced, was first induced to calculate a few tables for his own use: the exchange continuing to get lower, he has been keeping pace with that declension; and some of his friends thinking that business would be expedited by the work, is the chief motive for his now bringing them forward. He has only to add further, that these calculations having taken up much of his time to render them accurate, they may be relied upon for their exactness.' Art. 27. Man-Midwifery Análised; or, The Tendency of that in
decent and unnecessary Practice detected and exposed. Addressed to John Ford, late Surgeon and Man-Midwife at Briffoi, but now a Practi. rioner in that way in London. Small 8vo. 35. sewed. Fores. London, 1790.
The author of this pamphlet inveighs, with great vehemence, against the employing of men in any obstetrical capacity ; infisting that such a practice is not only unnecessary, but utterly repugnant to female modefty, and subversive of virtue. Whatever reason there may be for employing male accoucheurs, in preference to midwives, in difficult labours, it is certain that no apology can be pleaded for the indecent familiarities which this author represents men-midwives as using with married women, in an early stage of pregnancy; espe. cially as midwives cannot but be sufficiently qualified to supersede male practitioners on such occasions. Art. 28. An Account of the Nature, Properties, and Medicinal Uses of
the Mineral Water at Nottington, near Weymouth, Dorset. By John. Crane, Physician, at Dorchester. With a View of the Well in its prefent State. 12mo. Is, Lockett, Dorchester. Newbery, London, 1790. .
The mineral water at Nottington has long since been analysed, and . is known to poffefs very efficacious medicinal properties, but, through a blameable inattention, which has left the spring exposed to various abuses, it has lost much of its merited celebrity. We find, however, that the gentlemen in the neighbourhood have at lali come to the resolution of effectgally removing those inconveniences; and
there is therefore little doubt that the Nottington water will soon ro. trieve and extend its reputation. It is chiefly impregnated, as the present author obseryes, with sulphur, and the native alcaline falt or nitron. In cachectic habits, and all disorders proceeding from a viscidity of the luids, the use of it proves highly advantageous. Art. 29. An Address to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland on , the approaching General Election : Containing plain Constitutional
Truths and seasonable Observations. Respektfully offered to their serious Confideration by an Independent Freeholder. 8vo. is. 6d. Walter,
London, 1790. : The author of this address is a zealous advocate for the reform of parliamentary representation, the revival of which scheme he earnestly recommends to the constituents at the next general election. His observations on this subject have been often suggelted, and his exhortations, relative to the choice of members, no less frequently inçulcated. How far they will influence the general conduct of electors, it is not difficult to foresee: but whatever be the result, the author may console himself in the consciousness of his own good in. tentions. ART. 30. Secret Influence; or, Bute and Pitt's Administrations virtu
ally the same, with a Diffinĉt and Comprehensive View of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, as Prince and Patriot. 8vo. 25. 6d. Kerby. London, 1790.
This author affects a profound knowledge of the politics of the times, but we cannot subscribe to his perfpicacity. He rambles 'through incidents, and suspicions, and characters, without any coherence, and apparently with no other guide than the most palpable prejudices. It would be unjuft to deny him the zeal of a violent par. tisan; but equally unjust to admit his intemperance as a proof either of his judgment or integrity. He is, in fact, such a writer as is likely to difcredit any party, much less by his censure, than his praise.
For the ENGLISH REVIEW.
ON A L AFFAIRS
For FEBRUARY, 1990,
THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, FAR from being the work of blood, does honour to the hu
manity of the French nation, and the close of the eighteenth century. Of this humanity, of humanity tinctured with - the most delicate fenfibility, we have, in the course of this month,
had a very striking and a very pleasing instance, in that gentle dissolution, that euthanasia by which the National Assembly have put a period, in France, to the existence of monastic orders in
. religion, religion. The change introduced into human affairs,' in the lapfe of a short time, is painted in strong colours, when we compare the tendernefs Thewn to the monks and nuns by the French legislature of these times, with the violence of Knox and other reformers in the sixteenth century. It is natural for the interests of humanity to with well to the progress, and to pray for the final establishment of a civil constitution conceived in sentiments the moft mild and rational. It is matter of fatisfaction and joy to the friends of freedom and human nature, that the French king has appeared personally in the National Assembly, ratified their acts, and, together with the queen, cordially and emphaticaily declared his resolution to support, and teach his sons, the sons of France, to support and cherish the new constitution. The example of France, as has been often observed, spreads a genial influence on the neighbouring nations. In the
AUSTRIAN, OR RATHER THE CATHOLIC NETHERLANDS, It has divided, and more than divided, the Belgic nation with the. blind obstinacy of antient prejudice. The progressive light of knowledge, the near vicinity of so kindred and mighty a nation as France, flourishing in all the vigour of matured experience combined with manly youth, will expose the vile arts of priestcraft and tyranny to every mind. In vain shall a VAN EUPEN draw the cloak of religion between the eye of the spectator and the light of truth: in vain oppose Machiavelian tricks to the plain dictates of reason and justice. The rays of truth, diffused far and wide by the press, will open to view the lurking-places of tyranny, and foil the tempter in all his wiles. The sovereign power, on the dismission of the emperor and the declared inde. pendance of the Belgic provinces, was exercised with great propriety by the States-General. Even, as in former interregnums, the famé had been exercised by the states in former times. The authority which, pro re natâ, they have assumed can only be temporary and provisional: and for their assumption of this authority, as well as their use of it, they are responsible to the Belgic națion. It is most absurd in the partisans of aristocratical despotism ļo maintain the authority of the States-General, even to perpetuity, on the ground of aversion to innovation, and a regard to the preservation of the antient constitution. The antient conftitution of the Austrian Netherlands is no more. It fell by the stroke that cut off its head. In that head, Joseph II. of Austria, representative of the dukes of Burgundy, the functions of the other branches of the legislature centered. They were not ori. ginal and absolute, but relative and conditional. They had a reference to the sovereign on the one hand, and to the people on the other, whose privileges it was their duty and business to protest against the encroachments of the sovereign. They were a
barrier, barrier, an intermediate power, between the sovereign and his · subjects. ---The sovereign power being annihilated, or, what is worse, the sovereign power being superadded to that of the StatesGeneral, where is there to be found any barrier or intermediate power þetween the pecple and this new, alarming, and monstrous aristocracy?
But that the constitution of the States-General, even without the usurpation of the sovereign power, is highly aristocratical, is a fact which is not perhaps generally known to our readers, and which may therefore require some illustration. · The states of Brabant, the freeft of all the provinces, and the model to which the rest with on all occasions to conform, is composed of three orders, the clergy, the nobility, and the third eftate. It might therefore be naturally imagined that these three , orders would involie, in one shape or other, a pretty fair representation of the Belgic nation. But this is by no means the case,
There is no representation whatever of the great body of the common people, nor of the clergy, nor even of the noblesse and gentry. The right of fitting and voting in the assembly of the Itates is confined to the abbots of male convents, to about twentyseven out of a numerous nobility, and to a few deputies from the different trades or corporations of the chief cities. Antiently the smaller cities or towns, and even the villages, were poffeffed of franchises which entitled them to seats in the third estate of the national assembly. But, from the natural process of delegation and sub-delegation in all popular power, the representatives of the people of Brabant were limited, at last, to deputies from Louvain, Brussels, and Antwerp. Thus the constitution of the States-General of the Netherlands is the most aristocratical that can be well imagined. This assembly of men, in the conftitution of which the public voice has scarcely any share at all, can never be regarded as the representation, or genius, if we may fay fo, of the nation. But, if they had indeed a title to be regarded in this light, stiil they would not have any title to assume the reins of government, and to convert a subordinate, or if they will, for the
fake of argument, a co-ordinate, into an absolute power; the parlia'ment of the catholic provinces would, at best, be in the predicanient of the parliament of Great-Britain during the interregnum occasioned by the late indisposition of the king. Though this assembly was infinitely more popular than the States-General, and had fairer pretensions to be considered as the voice of the people, they never conceived the idea of governing the nation, even for a time, by their own authority, but proceeded without delay to the declaration of a regent. Experience had taught the British nation to consider a perpetual parliament, exercising a direct power over the people without any control, as an object of ter
tor..The partial, fummary, and iniquitous proceedings of the English parliament in the time of Charles I. which serve as a reason to the British, ought also to forewarn the Belgic nation of the calamities to be apprehended of despotic power, whether it be lodged in the hands of one man, or of many.---The StatesGeneral are in the situation of a chamberlain or steward who, on the death of his lord; continues, without any express commission, to manage affairs for the benefit of his lawful heir, to whom he gives an account of his conduct: or of a character known to the Romans and the Roman law, under the name of negotiorum feflor.
The States-General are therefore responsible to the people for all that they have done and advised since the deposition of the emperor. The sooner that they call a national assembly, the more effectually will they secure their own safety, and the tranquillity and security of the common-wealth. If the Belgic provinces are not yet ripe for a civil constitution, framed on the model of that which is in the act of being reared in France, at least let a successor be appointed to Jofeph II. ; at least let the conftitution, such as it was before the dismission of that ambi. tious man, be restored; and let improvements be made afterwards, as opportunities may invite, and as the spirit of the times may bear or require. Till the old constitution be restored, or a new one established on the basis of liberty and justice, it would be the greatest madness in the triple alliance, or in any other power, to enter into a treaty with the catholic provinces. The priests, and the disciples of the prieits, who imagine that they can, in the present conjuncture, raise a lasting fabric on feudal and even despotic ground, are like the hypocrites in the scriptures, who could discern the face of the sky, but not the signs of the times, they do not distinguish the accidental huzza of a mob, from the steady efficacy of opinion, which, descending from the high to the low, and re-acting from the low on the high, as with secret magic governs the world. If ever honesty was the best policy, it is in the present times of light, and a spirit of liberty. The hollow foundations of priestcraft and tyranny cannot long bear the trying hand of truth.
The modern Perfians, in order to give stability to the monu. ments they erect to their friends, or other edifices which they wish to remain to the latest posterity, are careful to build them with lawful money, that is, money not acquired by oppreffion and tyranny: for they say, that such buildings as have been erected by tyrants soon moulder and fade away; whilft, on the contrary, the works of good and just princes endure, unhurt, for ages. What the Persians superstitiously affirm of material, may with justice be applied to political edifices.