ries and Co. Royal 8vo. 7s. 6d. boards. Murray. London, 1789. The utility of these tables is obvious; and the author's advertisement is the best account we can give of them. The extraordinary fall in the exchange between this country and France within these few years, has rendered all the tables hitherto published of no ufe, none of them going lower than 29d, except Mr. Webb's, which though very ingenious, yet being calculated in a peculiar manner, are liable to error, if great care is not taken in the application: even his only go down to 28d; whereas it is well known that the course has been much below that, and is ftill on the decline. • The public have therefore been for a confiderable time paft in want of fuch a fet as those now proposed; and the author, to obviate that inconvenience which he has frequently experienced, was first induced to calculate a few tables for his own ufe: the exchange continuing to get lower, he has been keeping pace with that declenfion; and fome of his friends thinking that bufinefs would be expedited by the work, is the chief motive for his now bringing them forward. He has only to add further, that these calculations having taken up much of his time to render them accurate, they may be relied upon for their exactness.' ART. 27. Man-Midwifery Analifed; or, The Tendency of that indecent and unneceffary Practice detected and expofed. Addressed to John Ford, late Surgeon and Man-Midwife at Briftoi, but now a Practitioner in that way in London. Small 8vo. 3s. fewed. Fores. London, 1790. The author of this pamphlet inveighs, with great vehemence, against the employing of men in any obftetrical capacity; infifting that fuch a practice is not only unneceffary, but utterly repugnant to female modefty, and fubverfive of virtue. Whatever reason there may be for employing male accoucheurs, in preference to midwives, in difficult labours, it is certain that no apology can be pleaded for the indecent familiarities which this author reprefents men-midwives as ufing with married women, in an early ftage of pregnancy; efpecially as midwives cannot but be fufficiently qualified to fuperfede male practitioners on fuch occafions. ART. 28. An Account of the Nature, Properties, and Medicinal Ufes of the Mineral Water at Nottington, near Weymouth, Dorfet. By John Crane, Phyfician, at Dorchefter. With a View of the Well in its prefent State. 12mo. 1s, Lockett, Dorchester. Newbery, Lon don, 1790. The mineral water at Nottington has long fince been analyfed, and is known to poffefs very efficacious medicinal properties; but, through a blameable inattention, which has left the fpring expofed to various abuses, it has loft much of its merited celebrity. We find, however, that the gentlemen in the neighbourhood have at lali come to the refolution of effectually removing thofe inconveniences; and there there is therefore little doubt that the Nottington water will foon retrieve and extend its reputation. It is chiefly impregnated, as the prefent author obferves, with fulphur, and the native alcaline falt or nitron. In cachectic habits, and all diforders proceeding from a vifcidity of the fluids, the use of it proves highly advantageous. ART. 29. An Addrefs to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland on the approaching General Election: Containing plain Conftitutional 1ruths and feafonable Obfervations. Refpectfully offered to their ferious Confideration by an Independent Freeholder. 8vo. Is. 6d. Walter, London, 1790. The author of this addrefs is a zealous advocate for the reform of parliamentary reprefentation, the revival of which scheme he earnestly recommends to the constituents at the next general election. His obfervations on this fubject have been often fuggested, and his exhortations, relative to the choice of members, no lefs frequently inculcated. How far they will influence the general conduct of electors, it is not difficult to forefee: but whatever be the refult, the author may confole himself in the consciousness of his own good intentions. ART. 30. Secret Influence; or, Bute and Pitt's Administrations virtually the fame, with a Diftinct and Comprehenfive View of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, as Prince and Patriot. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Kerby. London, 1790. This author affects a profound knowledge of the politics of the times, but we cannot fubfcribe to his perfpicacity. He rambles through incidents, and fufpicions, and characters, without any coherence, and apparently with no other guide than the most palpable prejudices. It would be unjuft to deny him the zeal of a violent partifan; but equally unjust to admit his intemperance as a proof either of his judgment or integrity. He is, in fact, fuch a writer as is likely to difcredit any party, much lefs by his cenfure, than his praise. FA THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, AR from being the work of blood, does honour to the humanity of the French nation, and the clofe of the eighteenth century. Of this humanity, of humanity tinctured with the most delicate fenfibility, we have, in the courfe of this month, had a very striking and a very pleafing inftance, in that gentle diffolution, that euthanafia by which the National Affembly have put a period, in France, to the exiftence of monaftic orders in religion, religion. The change introduced into human affairs, in the lapfe of a fhort time, is painted in ftrong colours, when we compare the tendernefs fhewn to the monks and nuns by the French legiflature of these times, with the violence of KNOX and other reformers in the fixteenth century. It is natural for the interests of humanity to wish well to the progress, and to pray for the final eftablishment of a civil constitution conceived in sentiments the moft mild and rational. It is matter of fatisfaction and joy to the friends of freedom and human nature, that the French king has appeared perfonally in the National Affembly, ratified their acts, and, together with the queen, cordially and emphatically declared his refolution to fupport, and teach his fons, the fons of France, to fupport and cherish the new conftitution.-The example of France, as has been often obferved, spreads a genial influence on the neighbouring nations. In the AUSTRIAN, OR RATHER THE CATHOLIC NETHERLANDS, It has divided, and more than divided, the Belgic nation with the. blind obftinacy of antient prejudice. The progreffive light of knowledge, the near vicinity of fo kindred and mighty a nation as France, flourishing in all the vigour of matured experience combined with manly youth, will expofe the vile arts of prieftcraft and tyranny to every mind. In vain fhall a VAN EUPEN draw the cloak of religion between the eye of the fpectator and the light of truth: in vain oppofe Machiavelian tricks to the plain dictates of reafon and justice. The rays of truth, diffused far and wide by the prefs, will open to view the lurking-places of tyranny, and foil the tempter in all his wiles. The fovereign power, on the difmiffion of the emperor and the declared independance of the Belgic provinces, was exercised with great propriety by the States-General. Even, as in former interregnums, the fame had been exercised by the ftates in former times. The authority which, pro re natâ, they have affumed can only be temporary and provifional: and for their affumption of this authority, as well as their use of it, they are refponfible to the Belgic nation. It is moft abfurd in the partisans of ariftocratical defpotism to maintain the authority of the States-General, even to perpetuity, on the ground of averfion to innovation, and a regard to the prefervation of the antient conftitution. The antient conftitution of the Auftrian Netherlands is no more. It fell by the ftroke that cut off its head. In that head, Jofeph II. of Auftria, reprefentative of the dukes of Burgundy, the functions of the other branches of the legislature centered. They were not original and abfolute, but relative and conditional. They had a reference to the fovereign on the one hand, and to the people on the other, whofe privileges it was their duty and business to protect against the encroachments of the fovereign. They were a barrier, -- barrier, an intermediate power, between the fovereign and his fubjects. The fovereign power being annihilated, or, what is worfe, the fovereign power being fuperadded to that of the StatesGeneral, where is there to be found any barrier or intermediate power between the people and this new, alarming, and monftrous aristocracy? But that the conftitution of the States-General, even without the ufurpation of the fovereign power, is highly ariftocratical, is a fact which is not perhaps generally known to our readers, and which may therefore require fome illuftration. The ftates of Brabant, the freeft of all the provinces, and the model to which the reft with on all occafions to conform, is compofed of three orders, the clergy, the nobility, and the third eftate. It might therefore be naturally imagined that these three orders would involve, in one fhape or other, a pretty fair reprefentation of the Belgic nation. But this is by no means the cafe. There is no reprefentation whatever of the great body of the common people, nor of the clergy, nor even of the nobleffe and gentry. The right of fitting and voting in the affembly of the ftates is confined to the abbots of male convents, to about twentyseven out of a numerous nobility, and to a few deputies from the different trades or corporations of the chief cities. Antiently the fmaller cities or towns, and even the villages, were poffeffed of franchifes which entitled them to feats in the third eftate of the national affembly. But, from the natural procefs of delegation and fub-delegation in all popular power, the reprefentatives of the people of Brabant were limited, at laft, to deputies from Louvain, Bruffels, and Antwerp. Thus the conftitution of the States-General of the Netherlands is the most aristocratical that can be well imagined. This affembly of men, in the conftitution of which the public voice has fcarcely any fhare at all, can never be regarded as the reprefentation, or genius, if we may fay fo, of the nation.-But, if they had indeed a title to be regarded in this light, ftill they would not have any title to affume the reins of government, and to convert a fubordinate, or if they will, for the fake of argument, a co-ordinate, into an abfolute power; the parliament of the catholic provinces would, at beft, be in the predicament of the parliament of Great-Britain during the interregnum occafioned by the late indifpofition of the king. Though this affembly was infinitely more popular than the States-General, and had fairer pretenfions to be confidered as the voice of the people, they never conceived the idea of governing the nation, even for a time, by their own authority, but proceeded without delay to the declaration of a regent. Experience had taught the British nation to confider a perpetual parliament, exercising a direct power over the people without any control, as an object of ter tor. The partial, fummary, and iniquitous proceedings of the English parliament in the time of Charles I. which serve as a reafon to the British, ought alfo to forewarn the Belgic nation of the calamities to be apprehended of defpotic power, whether it be lodged in the hands of one man, or of many.-The StatesGeneral are in the fituation of a chamberlain or steward who, on the death of his lord, continues, without any exprefs commiffion, to manage affairs for the benefit of his lawful heir, to whom he gives an account of his conduct: or of a character known to the Romans and the Roman law, under the name of negotiorum feftor. The States-General are therefore responsible to the people for all that they have done and advised fince the depofition of the emperor. The fooner that they call a national affembly, the more effectually will they fecure their own fafety, and the tranquillity and fecurity of the common-wealth. If the Belgic provinces are not yet ripe for a civil conftitution, framed on the model of that which is in the act of being reared in France, at leaft let a fucceffor be appointed to Jofeph II.; at least let the constitution, such as it was before the difmiffion of that ambitious man, be reftored; and let improvements be made afterwards, as opportunities may invite, and as the fpirit of the times may bear or require. Till the old conftitution be restored, or a new one established on the bafis of liberty and juftice, it would be the greatest madness in the triple alliance, or in any other power, to enter into a treaty with the catholic provinces. The priests, and the difciples of the priests, who imagine that they can, in the prefent conjuncture, raife a lasting fabric on feudal and even defpotic ground, are like the hypocrites in the fcriptures, who could difcern the face of the fky, but not the figns of the times, they do not diftinguish the accidental huzza of a mob, from the fteady efficacy of opinion, which, defcending from the high to the low, and re-acting from the low on the high, as with fecret magic governs the world. If ever honesty was the best policy, it is in the present times of light, and a spirit of liberty. The hollow foundations of priestcraft and tyranny cannot long bear the trying hand of truth. The modern Perfians, in order to give ftability to the monuments they erect to their friends, or other edifices which they wish to remain to the latest pofterity, are careful to build them with lawful money, that is, money not acquired by oppreffion and tyranny: for they fay, that fuch buildings as have been erected by tyrants foon moulder and fade away; whilft, on the contrary, the works of good and juft princes endure, unhurt, for ages. What the Perfians fuperftitiously affirm of material, may with justice be applied to political edifices. There |