ART. VII. Political Tracts; confifting of, I. A Propofal for the Liquidation of the National Debt; an Explanation of the Pro•pofal; un Appendix, containing a Narrative of Proceedings thereon at various public Meetings. II. The Efficacy of a Sinking Fund of One Million per Annum; the Propriety of an actual Payment of the public Dbt; the true Policy of Great-Britain. The Conclufion. III. The Abolition of Tithes and the Reform of the' ·Church Revenue; the Doctrine of Prefcription confidered; a Narrative of Proceedings at a County Meeting held at Morpeth December 22, 1784, respecting the Payment of Tithes; a Letter ta, the Freeholders of the County of Northumberland on the fame Subject. The Conclufion. By Sir Francis Blake, Bart. 8vo. 5s. boards. Debrett. London, 1789.

IR Francis Blake has for feveral years been a diligent labourer in the field of politics; and though he may not have written with much efficacy, it will be allowed, at least, that he has' with zeal, and we are perfuaded likewife with the beft intentions towards the public. The prefent volume is a collection of tracts which have been published by their author at different

times.

The firft part treats of the liquidation of the public debt; concerning which we much fear that the method proposed by Sir Francis would prove a greater temporary burden to the nation than even the debt itself. He propofes that every proprietor of real eftates and ftock fhould be affcffed with a tax to the amount of four years income, in lieu of all taxes whatever. He thus fpeaks of the advantages which would refult from fuch an expedient:

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The abolition of taxes will put an effectual ftop to emigrations from this country, which, in the prefent pofture of our affairs, is a certain impending evil, threatening no less than the lofs of our liberty, and the fubjugation of thefe kingdoms to a foreign yoke, Nay more, that it will in all human probability, occafion fuch an influx of people of all denominations from other ftates, and of course fuch an increase of wealth and ftrength, as will enable us still to hold up our heads among the mighty ones of the earth; and, by restoring us to the loft dominion of the feas, make us rife, like a giant refreshed with wine, fuperior to our diftreffes, and greater by our fall."

It feems as if this tract had been written about the conclufion of the laft war, when an apprehenfion of great emigrations to America was generally entertained, and Great-Britain had been unfuccessful in her military operations. But we would afk Sir Francis Blake when was the time that we did not hold up our heads among the mighty ones of the earth?' and when was

It that we loft the dominion of the feas?' To answer these interrogatories in a manner unfavourable to the dignity of the nation, will be found as difficult an enterprise as to liquidate the national debt.

The next tract is an Explanation of the Proposal for the Liquidation of the National Debt. This. tract is fo much connected with the preceding, that to make any obfervation upon it might be deemed a fuperfluous task.

The fecond part treats of the Efficacy of a Sinking Fund of One Million per Annum. It is fufficient to obferve, that, in confidering this fubject, the author appears to have formed his opinion upon fuch an estimate of public contingencies as the prefent ftate of Europe affords no reafon to expect, through a long fucceffion of years.

The tract immediately following relates to the Propriety of an actual Payment of the Public Debt. The truth of this propofition is fo evident that it can admit of no queftion; and we are furprised that the author fhould have given it a place among his political fpeculations.

The next tract is entitled, The true Policy of Great-Britain confidered. How far the author's ideas on this fubject are well founded, the following extract, relative to the commercial treaty with France, may enable our readers to determine:

Some men lay mighty ftrefs upon commercial treaties, but we néed them not, Abolish cuftoms, and the commerce of the world is ours without their aid. At least we should not deal in fuch a way with those whom wisdom has profcribed. The maxim holds with many as with few; a nation, like a man, may fmile and fmile, and be a villain. So fmile our courtly neighbours across the channel; and fo let them fmile, but let us not be duped thereby, They were our enemies, our ancient deadly foes; they are fo ftill, and will be fo for evermore. To view them thus, we view them as we ought; and knowing them for foes, we likewife know to what we have to truft, and therefore wifely ftand upon our guard, But taking them for friends, it is poifon that we take which puts us paft the power of caution. Our moft inveterate foes made feeming friends, the confequence will be, this unfufpecting nation will turn traitor to itself; that is, we shall not watch at all, or we shall slumber when we should be watching.-O! then, my gallant countrymen, beware in time! Remember Troy! Invincible by arms, it fell by wiles; fo you fhall fall by this fame hollow treaty. To let them merchandise and settle here, you give admittance to the Trojan horse. Remember too the ferpent in the tale, which they will copy, if you give them leave, and help the moral by your fad example,

The third part treats of the Abolition of Tithes and the Reform of the Church Revenue. In this tract, befides the total abolition of tithes, the author propofes likewife the abolition of

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all ecclefiaftical ranks in the ftate, the parish priests and the prelates only excepted.

It would be unneceffary for us to give any more particular account of this volume. The author difcovers a strong tafte for inquiry, much patriotic ardour, and not a little eccentricity, in his various fpeculations.

ART. VIII. A Difcourfe on the Love of our Country, delivered on Nov. 4, 1789, at the Meeting-Houfe in the Old-Jewry, to the Society for commemorating the Revolution in Great-Britain. With an Appendix, containing the Report of the Committee of the Society; an Account of the Population in France, and the Ďeclaration of Rights by the National Affembly of France. The Third Edition, with Additions to the Appendix, containing Communications from France, occafioned by the congratulatory Address of the Revolution Society to the National Affembly of France, with the Answers to them. By Richard Price, D.D. LL.D. F.R.S. &c. ... 8vo. Is. 6d. Cadell. London, 1789.

FROM good men, independent by the integrity of their

hearts and the moderation of their wifhes, nothing is to be apprehended but a too great warmth of zeal, however laudable. If an uniform uprightnefs of conduct, a constitutional difintereftedness, a punctilious exactitude of moral and religious duties, joined to a depth of learning and an original boldness of thinking, can elevate a character, Dr. Price must be ever confidered as entitled to the highest rank. When to these we add a modesty of deportment, an unfufpicious fimplicity, and a conftant defire to promote the happiness of individuals and fociety at large, we are almost at a lofs to conceive how any productions from fuch an author can be less than perfect. But perfection is not the lot of human nature! and in fuch characters we are to look for failings in the extreme of their virtues.

We shall not enter into the inquiry whether political subjects are proper for the pulpit; but if every thing connected with morality comes within that defcription, furely political inquiries form no inconfiderable part. But the occafion required an oration rather than a fermons and in this light we fhall confider the work before us.

The first thing our author undertakes to prove is, that the love of our country, though a laudable paffion when properly directed, may degenerate into a dangerous vice. This is illuftrated by a variety of inftances: and it is fhewn that a virtue fo much applauded in ancient Rome, and fo frequently boafted of in modern times, is no where inculcated by our Saviour. The reafon

reafon given by the Doctor is, that in our Saviour's time fuch a doctrine would have been highly injurious to the general intereits of mankind from the peculiar fituation of the Jews, Romans, and other nations. But he might have recollected that the present state of England threatens no danger to the warmest advocates in favour of the love of our country; and that perhaps the inculcating fuch a paffion might have a tendency to teach individuals to prefer the public good before their own emolument, rather than to injure other nations for the aggrandisement of their own,

Our author next confiders the great fources of national wealth, which he comprehends under TRUTH, VIRTUE, and LIBERTY. On the first he is not only perfuafive, but eloquent, from the animation with which this fubject infpires him. The fecond, being a felf-evident propofition, requires no reasoning. Under the practice of virtue is included an attention to public worship. We fhall not inquire how far this is confounding the means with the end, because we admit the propriety of the injunction. But furely lefs feverity might have been fufficient on the fubject of our national church, whofe opinions were at one time pretty univerfal in every enlightened part of Chriftendom, and are at prefent adopted by too many honest and wellinformed men to be called abfurdities. We would remind the Doctor too that when he laments that the confequences of our eftablishment are to drive fome to fcepticism and others to methodifm, that the former are not precluded from the exercise of any kind of religion that is beft adapted to their own mind; and the opinions of the latter are thofe of the very establishment which is faid to force them into diffenfions. Thus if it fhould be faid on one fide that, by admitting a larger latitude in the difcipline and service of the church, a confiderable body of diffenters would be swallowed up in the establishment, may it not be urged on the other that by far the greater part of the diffenters (the methodists) would be farther than ever removed from the national worship. From this laft clafs too we may fairly urge the impoffibility of forming a church that would receive all be lievers; for though, as we before obferved, the articles and service of our Church are precifely what the methodists profefs, ftill restleffness after novelty will not keep them from conventicles, from running to and fro after popular preachers; in a word, from a nominal diffent from the church as by law eftablifhed.

On the fubject of liberty it is impoffible not to admire the honeft zeal of this well-meaning preacher. It is, however, in many refpects by far the most exceptionable part of the work; but as it has been taken notice of by more than one writer

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whofe performance will come before us, we fhall fufpend what we have to fay on the fubject at prefent. The Doctor next traces the progrefs of the revolution that placed the present family on the throne, fhews the advantages this country has derived from it, but laments that we still have to complain of fome very serious grievances. Thefe are principally the test act and our inadequate reprefentation. So much has been written on both, that inftead of wearying our readers with difcuffing either, we hall only lay before them the Doctor's pathetic conclufion of this part of his discourse, which we truft no one can object to.

But, brethren, while we thus fhew our patriotic zeal, let us take care not to difgrace the caufe of patriotifm by any licentious or immoral conduct. Oh! how earneftly do I wish that all who profefs zeal in this caufe were as diftinguishable by the purity of their morals as fome of them are by their abilities; and that I could make them fenfible of the advantages they would derive from a virtuous character, and of the fufpicions they incur, and the lofs of confequence they fuffer, by wanting it. Oh! that I could fee in men who oppofe tyranny in the ftate, a difdain of the tyranny of low paffions in themselves, or at least such a sense of shame, and regard to public order and decency, as would induce them to hide their irregularities, and to avoid infulting the virtuous part of the community by an open exhibition of vice. I cannot reconcile myfelf to the idea of an immoral patriot, or to that feparation of private from public virtue which fome think to be poffible. Is it to be expected that—But I must forbear. I am afraid of applica tions, which many are too ready to make, and for which I should be forry to give any occafion.'

This ferious addrefs is followed by a few arugments to fhew that though the love of our country makes no part of the Chriftian's creed, yet it is by no means inconfiftent with a Chriftian's principles; that our Saviour loved his country and wept over it, though he knew how wicked a country it was, and how little he was likely to owe to it.

The whole concludes with a kind of apoftrophe on the revolution in France, on which our author expreffes himself like one warm with the fubject, and anxious for TRUTH, VIRTUE, and LIBERTY, in every part of the globe. It is impoffible not to feel fome of the patriotic glow of this venerable zealot in the cause of liberty, and for a moment to overlook the difafters that have already happened in that country, and the uncertain iffue of its prefent changes.

The contents of the appendix are expreffed in the title-page,

ART.