THOUGH, in profecution of our plan, we have endeavoured to mark the principal events, and catch fomewhat of the features of every fucceeding month of the memorable year that has been juft closed; we fhall, on this occafion, take a summary review of 1789, and the fituation of affairs at the commencement of 1790.

The year 1789 exhibited, in the moft lively colours, the power of opinion and example over ftanding armies and the authority of established governments; the rights of human nature recognised and afferted; armies of men refufing to be inftruments of arbitrary power, and doing homage to the genius of justice; the spirit of liberty beaming with pure and mild rays in the most enlightened nation of Europe not many years ago enflaved by defpotical maxims and forms of government, and opinions and manners to which thofe maxims and forms gave birth; freedom bursting forth from France as from a centre, and enlarging her dominions on every fide; a murmur of indignant difcontent beginning to pervade the oppreffed fubjects of the moft arbitrary governments in Europe; a gleam of hope breaking in upon flave, and kings and emperors trembling on their thrones. Yet, fo complicated is the chain that connects human affairs, and fo various and intricate the relations of things, that the fame circumftances that gave liberty to fome countries contributed to diminish it in a state that, in its formation and progress, has illuftrated with peculiar energy, the force of a fpirit of freedom. This event, we fhould bitterly deplore, if the general diffufion of knowledge, and the vicinity of free nations, did not fecure the people of the United Provinces against any of those evils which might otherwise be apprehended from the increased power of the Stadtholder,

FRANCE.

the

The King of France undoubtedly regarded the Compte de Vergennes as the great pillar of his power and glory, when he faw him extending his intrigues, and establishing the influence of the court of Versailles in almost all the kingdoms and states of Europe, croffing the Atlantic, and diflevering North America from the British empire. How limited are our views into fu

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turity,

turity, and how little are political revolutions under the control of human wisdom! The active and provident policy of the French monarchy in emancipating the Anglo-Americans from the British government; in forming an alliance, by blood, with the house of Auftria; in paying fedulous court to the Empress of Ruffia; in conniving at the joint attack of the Ruffians and Auftrians on the Turkish empire. The policy of the French monarchy, in thefe and other meafures, though carried on, tó all appearance, with apparent fuccefs, blindly laboured for its • own fall. The influence of the American revolution on the minds of a quick, fenfible, high-fpirited, and enlightened nation, was such as might have been expected, and it was indeed predicted. Men who fought for liberty abroad, naturally con→ ceived that they had a right to enjoy it at home. The fparks of freedom that every where had been fcattered by the writings of Rouffeau, Voltaire, Turgot, and other writers trained in the school of Montefquieu, the NEWTON of jurifprudence and all political economy, were kindled into a flame. An univerial diffution of knowledge, and great refinement and mildness of manners, confpired to effect a civil revolution in favour of liberty, without bloodfhed. The National Affembly of France, the most enlightened to be found in the records of history, conceived the fublime idea of establishing a form of government, not on precedents which have ever changed, and will ever be changing, but on that great moral law which is founded in principles immutable and eternal. It was generally faid, at first, that in launching forth into the regions of metaphyfical speculation, and the difputes hence to be expected, the French patriots hazarded more than it was prudent to hazard at such a crisis. Time, it was apprehended, would be wafted in endless debate; the zeal of the nation might cool; a paffion for the glory of the king and the monarchy might return; and all things revert into their old channel. It was therefore fuggested that they ought, in imitation of the English at the revolution in 1688, feize, as it were, fome ftrong holds on the spot, pafs fome strong and leading refolutions in favour of freedom, without penetrating to the bottom of matters, and moving more than they might be able to wield; and, fince they could not form a civil and political conftitution on any abftracted model, fecure fome important points in the mean time, and advance afterwards, according to circumftances and opportunities, to greater perfection. But the leaders of the National Affembly, or, in other words, the GENIUS that fully and fairly reprefented France, thought otherwife, and, as has fince appeared, thought juftly. They made a jufter estimate of the moderation and the reafonableness of the French people; who, in the interval between the

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death

death of the old, and the birth of the new government, exhibited the most striking inftance that has at any time or place been given to the world of the importance of education, and how much the want or the weakness of laws may be supplied by manners and opinions. The French nation, having not a law, were a law unto themselves; for the few outrages that were committed appear as nothing when compared with the magnitude and boldness of the enterprise; and the multitudes that were afsociated for the purpose in different parts of a wide-extended and populous country.

The new legiflature of France have in their proceedings difplayed deep knowledge, great good fenfe and temper in their conduct. It is not any part of our defign to illuftrate these positions by a detail of particulars; we shall juft obferve, that a political revolution in France may already be confidered as completely established, and that a greater portion of the democratical fpirit will probably be infused into the new conftitution than was generally thought to be poffible. On the other hand, more checks will be provided against the levity and turbulence of democracy than were ever established before in any republic, ancient or modern. The groundwork of this conftitution appears to be the fame with that delineated by Mr. Hume in his idea of a perfect commonwealth.

Thus, on the whole, the late glorious revolution in France has been born by very gentle throws, by the mild power of extended knowledge and humanity. The ratio of the schools, and the ultima ratio regum have, in France, made a coalition. Rea fon is armed with the authority of government; and who will henceforward deride metaphyfics armed with the point of the bayonet ?

As the French monarchy laboured for its own deftruction in emancipating North America from Great Britain, fo alfo, as we have obferved above, it laboured for the fame end in intrigues with other powers. Had not the French court been industriously employed in exciting a revolt against the Stadtholder, they would not have experienced the mortification of seeing their friends humbled, and their enemies in the United Provinces, exalted on their ruins. Had not the Auftrians and Ruffians, with their connivance, made war on the Turks, the emperor would have been at hand, with a numerous and veteran army, to support the Austrian faction, and monarchical power, against the innovations of the patriots. The employment of the Auftrian armies on the fide of Turkey was also extremely favourable to the revolt in the Netherlands, the feeds of which had been fown by the progrefs of knowledge, and e attempts of the emperor in 1787.

AUSTRIAN NETHERLANDS.

From the accommodation by which the difturbances of the Auftrian Netherlands were brought at the conclufion of 1787, it feemed reasonable to conclude that the foundation was laid of good understanding between the prince and the people, and of future tranquillity in the provinces. But the event has not correfponded to that expectation, and a more troubled scene now prefents itself in the Auftrian Netherlands, where the provinces. are in arms, and an open revolt from the authority of the emperor has taken place. The rafh and precipitate measures of the fovereign, too impatient of the control of a limited monarchy, and too little inftructed by the former disturbances in his Flemish Provinces, have given rife to this revolt of his subjects. In the year 1787 candour was willing to fuppofe that the fovereign had been surprised into the arbitrary measures that were then pursued; in the year 1789 that apology can no longer be made. It may be permitted, in this place, to take a flight view of the chief occurrences in the Auftrian Netherlands in the two years that have elapfed fince our narrative was closed.

A RETROSPECT OF THE EMPEROR'S CONDUCT. Though, by the conceffions which the emperor made in September 1787, and by that ratification which confirmed them, the grievances which formed the principal matters of complaint were redreffed, yet it was eafily feen that entire confidence was not reftored between the prince and his fubjects. The jealousy and diffatisfaction which remained in the minds of the people were not removed in the year 1788. Sufpicions were still entertained, upon no flight grounds, that the fovereign fought to ftrain his prerogative beyond due bounds, and though an act of amnesty was granted by the emperor, it was not found that he, had laid aside his refentment against thofe perfons who had been moft active in the late oppofition. The general tenor of adminiftration was ill-fuited to gain popularity. Inftead of thofe lenient measures by which angry fpirits are conciliated, a harsh and severe plan of governing was adopted; the army was entrufted to a commander who was thought well fitted to carry rigorous orders into execution; the ftrong arm of authority was lifted up to intimidate the Affembly of the States; and many acts, at once vexatious and arbitrary, were complained of. The re-establishment of the feminary of Louvain tended greatly to increase the popular difcontents. That measure, which was infifted on by the fovereign as a condition on which the conceffions had been made, well intended to promote a more liberal education in theology, and to reftrain the growth of bigotry, but highly unacceptable to the clergy and a great part of the nation

I

nation, was obftinately urged, with too little regard to religious prejudices, or the temper of the times, and with too little refpect to the privileges of the country. Severities were inflicted on the ecclefiaftics, who were lefs obedient to the mandates of the prince on this fubject; the foldiery were employed to enforce harsh edicts, and a catholic prince, through excess of zeal for toleration, became too little tolerating to his catholic fubjects. This indifcreet proceeding, beheld with diflike by all the provinces, was particularly odious in Brabant, which ranks Louvain among her principal cities, and has a fpecial care of its privileges. The minds of men, already indifpofed and alarmed for their civil rights, were more inflamed by religious zeal; a general discontent prevailed, and, at the clofe of the year 1788, the States of Brabant expreffed their diffatisfaction with the measures of government, by refufing to grant the ordinary fubfidies.

CONSEQUENCES OF THEIR REFUSAL.

This refufal of the States drew on them the heavy displeasure of the fovereign, already irritated by the refiftance that had been made to the feminary of Louvain; and, yielding to his resentment, the monarch now allowed himself to be hurried into violent and arbitrary measures. By an edict addreffed to the province of Brabant, in January 1789, he not only annulled that ratification, by which the former difturbances had been compofed, and the fubfequent act of amnesty, but, as if difengaged from that compact, into which he had entered at his acceffion, he recalled that prangaffal oath which he had fworn to maintain the Joyous Entry, and the privileges of the people. He fignified that those eftablishments created in the year 1787, which had caused so great alarms, and which he had agreed to abolish, fhould be revived in their full extent; that the intendants fhould forthwith enter on their offices; and that no abbots were to be named in future to the vacant abbies in Brabant: he denounced severe chastisements against all who fhould' in any wife call in queftion or oppose thofe acts of his administration. The fubmiffion of the States, which foon followed their refufal to grant the fubfidies, did not long engage the fovereign to fufpend the execution of this fevere decree. The council of Brabant, according to its known privilege, having refused to give its fanction to edicts that were repugnant to the laws, that fupreme tribunal, a main fupport of the liberties of the country, was fuppreffed. The States were dif poffeffed of their juft office, and that care of the public revenue, which belonged to their committee, was bestowed on perfons appointed by a commiffion from the prince. That affembly, in other refpects, felt the effects of the difpleasure of the fovereign. That power which they had exercised, of withholding the fubfidies, was affirmed not to belong to them by right. As it was

declared