fections of the veteran unpromoted offi cers. In fine, he thought he could not do his duty better, than by engaging the attention of the Houfe to these points for the good of the nation. The Marquis of Caermarthen declared upon his honour, he knew of no other cause of his difmiffion; for he had done his duty in every shape, and he fhould not have come to the Houfe, if he had not expected to hear from the Noble Lords in administration what were the motives for removing him. The Earl of Pembroke expreffed his being unwilling to trouble the House with his fentiments, but he was unconfcious of having given any offence what ever; on the contrary, he had frequently met with his Majefty's approbation of his conduct in training his regiment. He, therefore, confeffed his apprehenfions that it was a piece of minifterial refentment, the office having been held by his family as long as there are any records of the office itself.-Both the Noble Lords declared they would not vote, and that they only came there to be refponfible for their conduct, and to endeavour to know the true cause of their sudden dif. miffion. The Earl of Abingdon feconded the motion. The Earl of Effingham faid a few words on the fame fide of the que ftion. Lord Stormont, in reply, declared his aftonishment at the motion; because the Jaw of the land has vefted in the crown the right of appointing all the executive officers of government, and of exercising that right with difcretion; and if the King had not a right to difmifs a fervant without being fubject to the controul of parliament, he would never be at liberty to exercife his own opinion. He admitted, that abuses might arife in the exercife of this power; but till it was proved that the abuse was highly detrimental to the ftate, the Houfe would not addrefs his Majefty for reafons why he difmiffed his fervants. No man he believed would fay, that the public fuffered any injury by the removal of the two Noble Lords, and appointing others of equal quality. With respect to the other extraneous amatter in Lord Shelburne's fpeech, he thought it fo foreign to the bulinefs of the day, that he would not enter into it. The Marquis of Rockingham, the Dukes of Grafton, Richmond, and Devonshire, and the Lords Camden and Craven, fpoke in fupport of the motion; and the Lords Denbigh, Hillsborough, Chancellor, and Bathurst, against it. Lord Denbigh faid, that the Lords could not have been dismissed on account of their vote in parliament; because many other Lords had voted against the meafures of government, and yet remained still in the offices of Lord Lieutenants. Lord Bathurft declared he would on all occafions fupport the conflitution, and the best fupport he could give it was his difapprobation of the petitions and affociations, calculated to undermine it. Lord Craven replied, that the Noble Lord promoted an affociation for raifing a regiment in Gloucestershire for the fervice of the crown; and that, if one affociation was illegal, so were they all. The queftion being put, the numbers were, Contents 31, Proxies 8, in all 39; Not-contents 66, Proxies 26, in all 92. So early in the feffion as the 15th of December, the day that the Earl of Shelburne made a motion in the House of Lords concerning the public expenditure [70.], Mr Burke gave notice in the House of Commons, that after the Christmas holidays he meant to make a propofal for œconomy, and for leffening the influence of the crown. The defign was highly approved of by Meff. Gilbert, Dempfter, and Fox, and Col. Barré. On the 28th of January Mr Burke gave further notice, that he meant to move his propofitions for public œconomy, for leffening and checking the influence of the crown, for restoring the freedom of parliament, and for ftrengthening the hands of government, on the 11th of February. Accordingly on Friday, Feb. 11. he ftated his plan.-He was not unaware (he faid) of the difficulties that attended his fituation: his plan, if adopted, might take from a bosom-friend his chief fupport; his own future profpects in life might be blafted; and he was fure that he must make himself many enemies. But at his time of life, when he began to flope his down-hill courfe, he was not to be terrified from purfuing a plan that had for its bafis the public good. Oeconomy he pronounced to be the means not only to restore us to our former ftat of fplendour, but also to that state of in dependence on the crown, without which it was impoffible for us to be free. Ου fituation situation, he admitted, was not indeed as bad as it was last year; but it ought to be remembered, that we were now on in the middle of a moft dangerous andexpenfive war. We had a most formidable confederacy to contend with; and, great as our refources were, we should not perhaps find more than we really fand in need of. A plan of œconomy, in the first instance, afforded the most happy prefage of future fucceffes; but to be effectual, it must be fyftematic. Such a plan he flattered himself he had, after infinite pains, digefted, and rendered perfectly practicable. It would effect a faving to the nation of near 300,000l. a-year, without taking from the fplendour of the crown, without reducing his Majefty to the smallest inconvenience, and would for ever free minifters from the difagreeable neceffity of applying to parliament for payment of the King's debts. As he knew, that in all our operations, as well civil as military, we must be guided by thofe of the enemy, he had turned his eyes to the continent; and there he found our enemies making fuch arrangements in their finances as enabled them to profecute the war with infinitely more probability of fuccefs than we can. We had already exhausted our felves by an extravagant expenditure of money; our fubjects had already submitted to enormous taxes; and yet it had been confeffed by the friends of goVerament, that after all our efforts, if we were now to make a peace, it must be upon inglorious terms. How much warfe muft our fituation be in two years more, when, while we are prodigal of our treasure, our enemies are molt reliBoully economical of theirs! Their extraordinaries fince the beginning of the war, never exceeded eight millions Sterin one year: they had lately borrowed about 2,500,000l. and yet they had not funded a fhilling: they had not ayet impofed a fingle tax additional to thole of their peace-eftablishment; they had not established any burthenfome fand for the payment of these extraordiaries. The intereft was paid with thofe fans which were faved to the state by œtanomy. A general reform had taken pace through France; in the King's tafehold, nay, in the Queen's bedamber, and in the menus plaifirs of the al family. This he proved from an ret of the French published in Paris ift inftant; and which had been registered in the parliament of Paris the 29th of last month. By the reduc tion of expences, the French financier had faved an income equal to the payment of intereft for the loan, and for the whole of the extraordinaries; the favings amounted to no lefs a fum than 950,000l. a-year. All this had been effected in a manner in which the fmallest trace of arbitrary power was not to be found. The value of the coin had not been raised; its substance had not been reduced; the capital of the national debt had not fuffered the leaft lofs of its value; and the leaft delay had not appeared in the payment of the intereft of that debt. On the contrary, all was conducted in a manner that gave a firm foundation to public credit; and ren. dered the minifter who planned, and the fovereign who had adopted the plans, for ever dear to the people; whofe property was not invaded, tho' the greatest efforts were made to raise funds for carrying on the war. The King of France, like a good father of his people, had thought it his duty, rather to retrench in his own household than take from his people. This young prince, though an enemy, it must be confessed, deferved the refpect, the esteem, the adWhat a gloomy miration of Europe. An able minifter and profpect for us! a patriotic king directed the affairs of our enemies, while ours were managed, by a patriot king indeed, but by a much lefs able financier. * To • Extracts from the edicts here alluded to. "Louis, &c. Being wholly occupied in establishing order and economy in the ex pences of our household, in as great a degree as confifts with the dignity of our crown, we have confidered, that it will be conducive to this end, to re-unite to us all the offices of our private household, part of which had been alienated by the kings our predeceflors, under the titles of Cafual Revenues, and had thereby become a heavy charge to the crown; as we shall therefore become alone interested in the number and value of thefe offices, we fhall be more at liberty to abolifh fuch as appear to be ufelefs, to determine the emoluments, and to confult only, in these ar rangements, our general views of administration. We fall referve to ourfelves to examine in our juftice what difadvantages may entue to our chief officers, and thofe of the Queen, our dearest wife and companion, from he deprivation of thofe cafual reve nues, which add nothing in fplendor, equal to their immenfe charge. We will befides R & preferve To follow the example of Monf. Nec kar, it would be neceffary to abolish many places, which a great length of time had rendered, in the opinion of fome men, both neceffary and venerable. He did not charge the prefent administration with the creation of them; but he would advise them not to maintain them merely because they had been anciently created. The times were now different from thofe in which they had been established; and a wife minifter would always conform to the circumftances of the times: he would not lay, that becaufe in the days of the first James, of the Tudors, and Plantagenets, fuch and fuch places had exifted, they muft neceffarily continue for ever; the moment a general defire of the people was expreffed for their abolition, fuch a defire ought to be complied with. Eftablishing thus a reafon why minipreferve to them their various privileges; and they always fhall be, as they at prefent are, eminently diftinguished by the rank and dignity of the perfons to whom they are entrufted. For thefe caufes, &c.". compofed of three articles.] [This edict is "Louis, &c. Having reflected, that without effential alterations in the direction of the expences of our household, we should hardly be able to establish a permanent improvement in the conducting of them, we have begun by reducing the great number of coffers and treafuries to one only. We have, by our edict of this day, united all the offices of our household with the cafual revenues; and now, to render the plan we have prefcribed to ourselves more complete, we have thought proper to fupprefs the offices of Comptroller-General of our Household, and of the Money-Chamber; that of the Lieu tenant-Comptroller-General of the Furniture belonging to the Crown; the offices of Lieutenants and Comptrollers General of Our Stables; thofe of Lieutenants and Comptrollers General of the Plate; the Houfehold-Amufements, and Affairs of our Chamber; the two offices of Comptrollers-General to the Queen's Household, our dearest wife and companion: and we will, that all thefe offices fhall be paid in ready money after their liquidation. At the fame time we have thought proper to establish a general office for the expences of our household, which shall be compofed of two Magiftrates taken from our Chamber of Accounts, and five Commiflioners-General which shall be thrown out by this arrangement, and who, in uniting their different knowledge, will be very capable of conducting, with spirit and uniformity, the whole expences of our fters ought not to oppofe his plan, he began to open it to the House; obferving, at the fame time, that he was well aware how invidious the talk was which he had undertaken, how disagreeable to his own feelings, and how alien to his affections, as he was well convinced that reform, in the eyes of the world, bordered close upon unkindness. His ftandard of reformation, he said, he would erect firft in the principality of Wales; then in the duchy of Lancaster; and lafly, in the duchy of Cornwall, and county palatine of Chefter. Mr Burke, fhewing a very intimate knowledge of the conftitutions of these four jurifdictions, very ludicrously pointed out the reasons why the King of England had frittered down his dignity into Dukedoms and Earldoms. The principality of Wales, he faid, was, in territory, equal to about a seventh part of houfehold. This office is to be immediately employed in a full examination of every part of it, in order to produce the greatest perfpicuity, for the purpofe of introducing all the improvements of every kind which the bufinefs is capable of, and fhall render an exact account of their operations both to the minister of our household, and that of finances, for the better introducing in this establishment every alteration which shall be found useful, and to the execution of which there yet remains every obftacle; that they may thus be immediately known and removed, and that our general administration being thus drawn into one common office, may receive all the lights neceffary for ac complishing the plan we have approved. We keep our high and chief officers in the honourable fituation of receiving our orders immediately from us, tranfmitting them, and watching that they are put into execu tion. But they being called out on our fervice in our provinces and armies, and not having time to fpare in infpecting the particulars of finance and economy, which require continual affiduity and watchfulness, we imagine they will behold, without pain, this part of our adminiftration feparated from their noble offices near our perfon; and we have too much experienced their zeal and attachment, not to be convinced that they will eagerly fecond the general plan for the establishment of regularity i our finances, and to prove more and more to cur faithful fubjects, how much it is our de fire to avoid having recourfe to new taxes till we have eftimated all the refources arifing from this fyftem of order and economy. For thefe caufes," &c.- [This edict con fifts of fixteen articles.] England England, in value to a fiftieth; and yet, had its courts of juftice feparate from thor of England; and the number of The next object of reformation he its jadges was equal to a fourth of thofe trembled to undertake. It was the exwho lat in Weltminster-hall. Lancafter penditure of the Civil Lift. To curtail bad alto its feparate jurifdictions, its would never answer the end of his plan; judges, and its exchequer. Chefter had an abolition of offices was indifpenfably s judges, and its exchequer. Cornwall neceffary. A Noble Earl in the other had its court of Stanneries, and other House [Talbot] had declared, that all jurifdictions. From all these the crown his attempts at reformation were in vain: derived very little emolument; for the his endeavours were stopped even in the greatest part of the revenue was confu- kitchen, where he found that his Mamed in the payment of officers: and out jefty's turnfpit was a member of parof Lancaster he believed his Majesty did liament. The fervants of the housenot draw full 4000 l. a-year; but his in-hould had, from a principal of œconomy, fluence there was great; and the property be had in that county feemed to anfwer no other end than to create and Support an undue influence of the crown. Thefe four jurifdictions he propofed to have entirely united to England; and the favings made by the abolition of offees applied to the public ufe. As the labour of the English judges would be come fomewhat greater by this union, he fuggested, that an additional judge might be appointed to fit in Weftminter-ball, and to be taken from among the prefent Welch judges. which should fee that the work was properly performed. The vaft Chaces and Forests belonging to the crown in the different parts of the kingdom, he proposed to fell, and appropriate the money arifing from the fale to public ufes. The Board of Works was to him ano ther great object of reformation. He cald not fee, by any means, for what parpofe it was fuffered to exift, unlefs t was merely to fquander the money the nation; for he would be bold to far, that during the last seven years the gratlemen of that board had not built a much as a pigeon-houfe; and yet they applied during that period for 400,000l. to difcharge a debt of that amount, contracted by them. Parliaeat had granted as much more in the even years preceding the last seven;-in too,000l. in fourteen years; a fum cient to build a finer palace than any #prefent in Europe. In that enormous In he did not include the money expended in improvements about Buckinglan-houfe, for which parliament had made an exclusive provifion. This board thought fhould be abolished, as its es could just as well be difcharged, ad at infinitely lefs expence, by an art, who fhould lay his estimates bethe Treafury-board, the Lords of been put on board-wages; yet their at. tendance at court being neceffary, the steward of the household had been obliged to provide tables for them all; fo that, with their board-wages in their pockets, they boarded in the palace, doubly a burthen to the nation. His reformation fhould then begin with the Board of Green-cloth, which at prefent was totally unneceffary, though formerly it had been a great tribunal, when the attendants on the court, over whom the jurifdiction of that board was established, were as numerous as an army. At prefent it answered no other end than to afford a finecure establishment for members of parliament who were totally dependent on the crown. The places of Treasurer of the Chamber, Wardrobe, &c. Clerk of the Kitchen, Buttery, Pantry, Ewry, Keeper of the Feweloffice, &c. were equally unneceffary, and fupported only for the purpose of influence; they were, consequently, fit objects for reformation. Some nominal finecure places, occupied by peers, difgraced the peerage, and were burthenfome to the nation, fuch as Keeper of Buck, Fox, and other Hounds. Every one knew that Lords were not really dog-keepers, no more than a member of parliament was really a turnfpit; but the public money was expended, and the influence of the crown eitablifhed and supported, by thofe offices. For the dignity, therefore, of the peerage, and the eafe of the public, he would have thefe nominal places abolifhed. He confeffed he loved fplendour, and would be thocked to fee the Majefty of a British King degraded by a pitirul parfimony. It was not his intention to take a fpark from the luftre of the crown; he willed that ministers would fet down the expences expences of his Majefty at any given fum, and have his household fupplied by contract; this would make the extent of the expenditure known, and would be far from finking the dignity of the crown. A monarch whom it would be no difgrace to imitate, the King of Pruffia, who had as brilliant a court as any in Europe, had his household entirely fupplied by contract. The Board of Trade was, in Mr Burke's opinion, a grand object of reformation. He did not mean to mix the leaft idea of politics with his plan; but he could not help faying, that at prefent it was abfolutely ufelefs; nay, that it had never been of the leaft utility.-Barbadoes and Virginia were moft flourishing colonies before the board of Trade had an exiftence; Pennsylvania sprung up, and profpered amazingly, at a period when that board had been fufpended; and Georgia and Nova Scotia, the only two colonies that had ever been curfed with its foftering care, had never thriven while under its direction. The amazing fum of 700,000l. had been expended on Nova Scotia by the board; and yet it was barren, and a difgrace to our other colonies. Freed from the fuperintendence of the board, they foon acquired that reputation in America, which they never would have gained under the direction of our board of Trade. The abolition of this board would be a faving to the nation of 30,000l. a-year; and would free ten members of parliament from the influence of the crown. The Exchequer afforded a great field for reformation. The Auditor had an enormous income; his kitchen, juft under the House, was stored with luxuries, while he (Mr Burke) was fafting, and ftraining his nerves for the public good. He did not, however, wish that he, or any other gentleman of the exchequer, fhould be alarmed at his plan of reformation he did not intend that they fhould feel the leaft inconvenience from it; during their lives, he would have their falaries remain as they then were; but at their decease, he would have the Auditor's emoluments reduced to 10,000l. a-year; thofe of the Tellers to 1500l. and fo in proportion. He did not wifh to abolish the places; for though they certainly were finecures, yet they ought to remain in the hands of the crown, as rewards to bestow on deferving men; and which being granted for life, did not enslave the man to whom they were given. No man would wish to fee a defcendant of Mr Pelham, Sir Robert Walpole, or the great Lord Townshend, to whom royalty was indebted for its reftoration in this kingdom, deprived of thofe places which the merits of their great ancestors had procured them. The next reformation he would have made was in the Penfion-lift. He did not mean to strip any man of his penfion, whether well or ill deferved; but he would bind down the crown, not to grant any more till the whole fhould be reduced to 60,000 l. a-year. The Account-places, fuch as Paymaster of the Forces, and Treasurer of the Navy, he would have converted into places of adminiftration. The money which paffes through their hands he would have placed in the Bank; and if the Bank would not take it, fome private banker would foon be found who would readily eafe the nation of one and a half per cent. which it now pays for remitting money abroad: the banker would find his account in having the ufe of the money. The abfurd forms of making up accounts in the exchequer he would have abolished, as they tended only to occafion delays, and prevent a fettlement of accounts.-He would have the Paymafter, and Treasurer of the Navy, to draw on the Bank where the money was lodged, and the Auditor to give them credit for the fums paid away. The Board of Ordnance next prefented itself to his view. The immenfe civil department of that board was burdenfome to the nation, and in itself unneceffary. He would have the civil power of it distributed between the Navy and Admiralty boards; by which means the influence of the crown would be greatly reduced, and the national expenditure confiderably lessened. The The Secretaryship for the American department called loudly for reformation. It had never been neceffary, and was now totally useless: the office might be executed by the other two Secretaries; North America being affigned to the Secretary for the Northern department. and the Weft Indies to the other. bufinefs in the Secretary's office was not fo great as people imagined; for Lord Weymouth executed for near a year af ter Lord Suffolk's death the joint dutie of both the Northern and Southern de partments.-Nay, fo very unneceffar was a third Secretary, that former fon |