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Aruction! These are undeniable marks of unprincipled ambition, and the facts which fupport them must be known by every man of common observation. Yet fuch is the influence of an avowed oppoition to tyranny, fuch the magic of heated declamations on Liberty, that men, with the best intentions, are often perfuaded to follow the falfe colours of patriotifm, and to increase the force of thofe who are the enemies, not the friends, of Freedom. All governments are defective, all human inftitutions may be a bufed, and the wifest measures mifcarry: a factious man will therefore never want materials to inflame the minds of the people with a display of abuses, and plans of reformation. The adminiftration and conftitution of every country, it is true, fhould be rendered as perfect as poffible, (an object which leads many a good man to fupport a wicked faction): but then it fhould be confidered, whether the feafon will admit of the bufinefs of reformation, and whether the evils to be remedied will justify the danger of the medicine. It is a part of true wisdom, to attend firft to things which moft require and merit its care. It would be abfurd in a pilot to fix his mind on the ornaments of his fhip when she was finking in a storm, or to quarrel with his feamen about rank and wages, when the diligence and attention of all would fcarce Jy fave them from shipwreck. Thus in the ftate, a prudent patriot will not think a time of calamity, when the nation is clofely preffed by foreign foes and obftinate rebellion, a fit feafon to create jealoufy and alarm, or to adjust delicate plans of reform, at the risk of public harmony, of clogging the wheels of government, and of wafting the spirit and ftrength of the ftate in domeftic difputes, when they should be employed against its foreign enemies. Thefe are principles which every man profeffes to hold, and yet the conduct of Opposition has been a direct violation of them. Defeated often in their schemes to attain the confidence of the people, they have at laft devised a plan, which, from its popular and feductive appearance, they confidently affure themselves will be fuccefsful. But Latet anguis in herba. With the plaufible pretence of establishing œconomy, and checking corruption and venality, their scheme is, to combine and associate the people in all parts of the kingdom, and to form committees of correfpondence

that by their joint force, and oppofition to government, they may effect a change of administration, or raise a confederacy which fhall dictate to the legislature, and exercife fupreme power in the ftate. This plan is difclofed to the public in the General Advertiser of Monday, Jan. 10. 1780, a paper notoriously under the direction of the faction, and I beg the attention of every reader to the extract as follows.

"The intention of calling together the nobility, gentry, clergy, &c. of the different counties, at this important crifis, is not to carry on the old furce of petitioning for what we know a corrupt miniftry will never grant, nor for the purpofe of trufting to the obftinacy of an unfeeling k

for redrefs, but for the exprefs purpose of redreffing themselves. And to effect this great and conftitutional end, committees are elected by the unanimous voice of the people, to whom they delegate full power and authority to adopt whatever meafures they may deem effectual for the falvation of this country, for the re-establishment of public liberty, annual parliaments, and an equal reprefentation of the people; and particularly to ftop the rapid progrefs of venality and corruption, by striking off unnecessary placemen and proftituted penfioners; and if these bleflings cannot be obtained from parliament, to form a national convention or congress, from the several counties, with the full powers to enforce fuch regulations as they may deem neceffary for the welfare and existence of this country."

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To give a fanction and colourable pretence for affociations, one of the leaders of Oppofition, in a letter to the York committee fays, "The legislature itfelf, under that baneful influence, is fo far degraded in the public confidence, as to be esteemed little better than the perfonal property of the minifter for the time being, and transferable to any fucceffor." gain, "The attention of the whole body of conftituents throughout the kingdom to the prefent ftate of public concerns, and their interpofition in a conflitutional way, is now become a matter of the higheft and most important neceffity." One of the fame partyt, of superior rank and influence, also represents, that "he has a thorough conviction of the neceffi ty that the fense of the people should be • Vid. Hartley's Letter to the York com mittee.

t-Duke of Richmond's Letter.

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taken on the condition of their distracted affairs." He accordingly fummons them to meet, in order to confider what steps it may be expedient for the county to take on the present critical fituation of public affairs."

But as men who are lovers of their country would not be eafily led into a meafure fubverfive of all legal government, affociations are required with the plaufible pretence of effecting a plan of economy, cutting off all useless penfions, and curtailing all extravagant salaries : A confummation devoutly to be wifhed! But by what methods do they propofe to effect it? Not by fubmitting the fubject to the free deliberation and wifdom of parliament; for that is unneceffary, as the Marquis of Rockingham and Mr Burke had announced their intentions of making motions for this purpofe immediately after the holidays; but by intimidating the legislature into the measure by powerful combinations:- A meafure fubverfive of the conftitution, deftructive of liberty, and ruinous to the state. Parliament would thus become the mere regifter of the edicts of committees, and the fovereignty be transferred from the fenate-houfe to private cabals and felf created affemblies. The anarchy and confufion would then enfue which the legislature was conftituted to prevent: for to remedy the uncertainty, delays, and tumult, of popular affemblies, the legiflative power was vetted in parliament. But if parliament be bound to confirm and execute the decrees of popular affemblies, its deliberations are ufeiefs, and it becomes a mere vox et præterea nihil.

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Let it not to be faid, that the object of the prefent affociations is laudable, and they therefore merit the fupport of every good citizen: for if committees are to be the ultimate judges of the proprie ty and neceffity of public meafures, whatever they pronounce to be fuch will be as binding as their prefent refolves, the authority being the fame, and parliament equally excluded from a right of diffenting.

For inftance, fhould the committees who infift on the present reform, adopt the fentiments of Lord George Gordon and the Proteftant afsociations, and refolve with them, that the act granting relief to Papifts is fubverfive of our civil and religious liberties, the legiflature muft comply with their demands in this, As much as in the former cafe, as they

will reft on the fame authority. fhould they proceed on the work of re formation, and infift on a triennial par liament, or the abolition of the privileg of boroughs to fend members, they wil be equally juftifiable. Who fees not that the exercise of such a power will be fubverfive of the conftitution? Who will be able to say to fuch combinations, "So far you fhall go and no farther?" The advances of fedition are gradual; but when it has once acquired the afcendency, no barriers can ftop its career. The factious will never want pretences to retain and exercise their power, and the work of reformation will go on till the conftitution and all legal government are refined away.

The progrefs of innovation in the reign of the unhappy Charles is too ftriking to be forgotten. The power that was at firft employed to remove real grievances, foon became unmanageable by those who had excited and directed it, and at last deftroyed the conftitution, and the liber. ties of the people. The fame arts kindled the rebellion in America, fuppreffed all constitutional authority, and effected its independence. Committees of the people were at first chosen to inftru&t their reprefentatives in the provincial affemblies, and an exemption from parliamentary taxation was their higheft claim. Affociations, and committees of correfpondence, were then formed, to keep up an union in the different colo nies. A congrefs of deputies from each was the next measure. The congrefs, fupported by the multitude, foon affu med exclufive legiflation, and the provincial affemblies became ufelefs. The people were then led on from claim to claim, till the curtain was drawn, and independency proclaimed.

Such inftances will make every lover of order, and good government, cautious how he concurs in erecting an unconstitutional power in the ftate, which may overturn its liberties, or at least endanger its fafety. For if affociations of men adverse to the measures of government, and under the influence of Oppofition, continue to be formed, to correfpond, and increase in strength, men of different sentiments will find it neceffary to affociate alfo. Committee thus will be raised against committee, and the ftate be enfeebled by difcord, at a time when unanimity is effential to the common fafety.

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And furely the urgency and importance of the cafe did not demand movements of this extraordinary and dangerous natre. No proof has been given, that the prefent parliament is lefs free and independent than any former one. The people have the fame power as heretofore, of chufing their own reprefenta. tives, and difcarding thofe whom they dare not truft. The falaries and perquifites of office are fuch as were enjoyed by the men who now complain of their exorbitance, and by thofe who carried us fo glorioully through the last war. The civil lift is no higher tl:an parliament laft year judged it reafonable and liberal to make it: A juft and honourable act, when we confider the happy increase of the Royal household, and his Majefty's generofity in surrendering the hereditary revenues of the crown, (which amounted to 800,000l. per annum, in the reign of George II. fometimes to a million), in order that they might be made part of the finking fund for the difcharge of the national debt. No inftances have been produced of an improper expenditure; and we have the greatest reafon to expect the contrary, from a prince, who gave fo illuftrious a proof of his attachment to liberty, and impartial juftice, by making the judges independent [23.159.]. There feems therefore to be no fufficient cause for fuch violent and extraordinary measures, especially as the subject was before parliament, the proper af fembly for the difcuffion of fuch queitions.

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But there is much ground to suppose, that public good was not the aim of the men who projected this plan; but, their uniform with, to embarrass government, and acquire power. Why elfe were thefe fchemes of frugality neglected when they held the helm? Why did they not then begin the work of reformation ? Why have they chofen a time for this bufinefs when all the wisdom and unani. mity of the ftate are requifite for our defence against foreign foes? - when delay, diftraction of councils, and civil difcord, may be our utter ruin?

I am far from denying, that many men of the ftricteft integrity, and with the nobleft intentions, have concurred in the measure. They will foon be called upon to proceed a step farther, either to fall upon a plan to enforce their petition, or, fhould it be granted, to co-operate in fome new reformation. Let them, then, VOL. XLII.

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Account of a wild man in the Pyrenees. Monfieur Le Roy, the French King's

engineer, employed in drawing mafts from the Pyrenees, fays, that in the year 1774, a favage, or wild man, was difcovered by the fhepherds who fed their flocks in the neighbourhood of the forest of Yuary. This man, who inhabited the rocks that lay near the forefts, was very tall, covered with hair, like a bear; nimble as the Hifars; of a gay humour, and, in all appearance, of a mild character, as he neither did, nor feemed to intend harm to any body. He often vifited the cottages, without ever attempting to carry off any thing. He had no knowledge of bread, milk, or cheese. His greatest amusement was to fee the fheep running, and to scatter them; and he teftified his pleasure at this fight by loud fits of laughter; but never attempted to hurt them. When the fhepherds let loofe their dogs after him, he fled with the fwiftnefs of a racer, and never allowed the dogs to come near him. One morning he came to the cottage of fome workmen; and one of them endeavouring to get near him, and catch him by the leg, he laughed heartily, and then made his escape. feemed to be about thirty years of age. As the foreft in queftion is very extenfive, and has a communication with the vaft woods that belong to the Spanish territories, it is natural to suppose, that this folitary, but chearful being, had been loft in his infancy, and had fubfifted on fruits and herbs. [11.404.]

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[How wild men are produced in the immenfe forefts on the continent, has hitherto escaped the vigilance of naturalifts; but that there are fuch, the present inftance, added to that of the wild man brought over from the forests of Germany as a prefent to K. George I. confirm. Gent. Mag.]

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PARLIAMENT. [41.662. 706.] ON the 7th of December 1779, the Duke of Richmond rose in the House of Lords, and said, that the present state of public concerns had filled him with the greatest anxiety, and his moft ferious thoughts had been employed in the formation of fome expedient that might prevent the total completion, or at leaft produce fome mitigation, of the national calamities. There were but two practicable methods of effecting this great erd, namely, strict and rigid economy through all the departments of the state, and a difpofition in his Majefty to select the wifeft and ableft men the kingdom could produce for the future management of the helm. The feries of misfortunes which had occurred during the progress of the prefent war, was fuch as exceeded all conception, and even outftretched the power of his recollection fo far as to deprive him of the ability of forming any kind of juft and regular inventory of them. When two nations were at war, the mode of judgement which they would certainly adopt, would undoubt edly be this. What is the power of the enemy with whom I have to contend? What is the prefent ftrength of my adverfary? and, What the refources? Comparing then the capacity of the foe, with their own ability, they would be each able to decide with precision concerning the eligibility of a farther profecution of hoftilities. If this maxim of political discretion were applied by us to our prefent circumftances, how fhould we feel or think concerning a continuance of the war? France had been able to carry on the war hitherto without the impofition of one extraordinary duty; even the war-tax had not yet been applied. No larger a fum than 1,700,000l. had been raised laft year for the fupport of the war; and he was well apprifed, that not more than 2,000,000l. would be wanting, or was intended to be required, for the neceffities of this. But how did they procure thofe fums? Not as in England, where the intereft was to be defrayed by new taxes; but without funding it at all, or without reducing their fubjects to the diftrefs of difcharging intereft. The intereft was to be paid from favings from the King's revenues, and no part of the inconvenience generally attending war either had, or was likely to arife to the people of that

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tions against this. The cafe ftood mate. country from the most vigorous exerrially different with England. funded debt of the kingdom, including the wants of the enfuing year, would amount to the enormous fum of 198,000,000l. Suppofing the war was to cease with the prefent year, there would notwithstanding be a kind of after-expence, which always follows the winding up of a war, to the amount of not less than 13,000,000l. So that on the idea of an immediate termination of hoftilities, there will be a funded national debt to the amount of 211,000,000l. The intereft of this was to be paid:and how paid? By fresh exactions on the people,-by new taxes, and new op preffions, till their laft penny would be exhaufted in foftering the wild schemes of a perfevering ill-judging adminiftration. If fuch confequences were to be inevitable, even on the fuppofition of an immediate peace, what was to be dread. ed from a farther profecution of the war? The increafe on the three articles of ar my, navy, and ordnance, beyond the average eftimate of their peace-establishment, was at least 7,000,000l. In the year 1775, the expences of these three de partments were 3,700,000l.; in the year 1776, 6,000,000 l.; and in 1777 and 1778, upwards of 10,000,000l.-Befides this, what were the number of troops. that were to be sustained? There was af prefent in England, for the defence only of the ifland, Ico,coo men voted by par liament. The establishment in Ireland was about 15,000. The number, as de duced from parliamentary accounts, at prefent said to exist in America and the Western islands, 75,000; in all, upwards of 190,000 men in the pay of this coun try.-As to the navy alfo, it was known that there were 85,000 men jutt voted there; fo that, adding thereto the lift of 190,000, and including alfo the armies kept up by the Eaft-India company, and the volunteer affociations of Ireland, to the amount of 40,000 men, which might in fome fort be faid to live upon this coun try, the total refult would arife to be tween 2 and 300,000 men.-To thef confiderations it was to be added, that the nations with whom we had to con tend were more than triple our fuperiors in the number of inhabitants. France and Spain alone exceeded us fo much, excluding the acceffion of the inferior powers on the borders of the Mediter.

ranean,

ranean, as Naples, &c. and Portugal, whole interpofition against us was every day to be expected. There were but two methods, as he had previously obferved, if this war was to be perfevered is; and thofe were, economy, and a felection of the wiseft heads into all the departments of administration. The fate he had given of our finances fufficiently demonftrated the neceffity of the former, and the experience of paft times had often evinced the excellent effects a rifing, even in the most desperate emergencies, from the latter.

His Grace difclaimed any personal intention in the motion he should propofe; one main purport of which was, he faid, to procure a reduction of the civil lift, which was now by a late grant of parliament [39. 297, 8.] increased to the enormous fum of 900,000l. He declared he did not wish to abridge his Majesty of any part of his ftate and splendour, or any of his personal enjoyments; but, in matters of great national importance, he thought it was always proper that the example should be fet by the crown.

After a great variety of arguments in import of the neceffity of commencing to reform, and to œconomife; and that not partially, but on a broad, general, and univerfal plan, his Grace concluded his fpeech with moving,

"That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, to befeech his Majefty to reflect on the manifold diftreffes and difficulties in which this kingdom is involved, too deeply felt to ftand in need of enumeration.

To reprefent, that amidst the many and various matters that require refor. mation, and muft undergo correction be. fore this country can rife fuperior to its powerful enemies, the wafte of public treafure requires inftant remedy; that profufion is not vigour; and that it is become indifpenfably neceffary to adopt that true œconomy, which, by reforming all ufelefs expences, creates confi. dence in government, gives energy to its exertions, and provides the means for their continuance.

Humbly to fubmit to his Majefty, that a confiderable reduction of his Majefty's civil lift would be an example well-becoming his Majefty's paternal affection for his people, and his own dignity; would not fail of diffufing its influence through every department of the ftate; and would add true luftre to his crown from the

grateful feelings of a diftreffed people..

To affure his Majefty, that this Houfe will readily concur in promoting fo de-* fireable a purport; and any one of its members will chearfully fubmit to fuch reduction of emolument, in any office he may hold, as his Majefty in his royal wisdom may think proper to make.”

Lord Stormont perfectly agreed with the Noble Duke in all his premises, but totally diffented from the juftice or expediency of his conclufion. He was well aware, that economy, the most rigid economy, was ftrictly neceffary through all the branches of government: but, ftrongly as he was disposed towards the practice of economy, he never could think such a commencement in the obfervation of it as the Noble Duke had recommended, either honourable or politic,-For what inference would not other nations, and the enemy particularly, deduce from our having recourfe even to his Majesty's household expences? Would they not think we were at the laft edge of diftrefs? and might they not be ftimulated into unthought of exertions from that confideration?-for that would be the time, they would naturally fuppofe, to crufh us totally; and that he very well knew was the ambitious aim of the prefent treacherous and formidable confederacy. What alfo would be the effect of this proceeding upon the people? Defpair, the only thing wanting to com. plete the lift of our misfortunes, would be the neceffary refult of the Noble Duke's expedient; and therefore that expedient was, in his opinion, a meafure of all others the most carefully to be avoided.-Concerning what the Noble Duke had faid refpecting the refources of this country, compared with thofe of our enemies, he had only to observe, that he did not think that that comparifon proved any thing: the arguments deduced from it had no application, admitting all the calculations in which thefe arguments were involved to be in all refpects fair and accurate; for the queftion at prefent was, Shall we perfevere in a war entered into on the most honourable grounds, or shall we submit to a difgraceful peace? The latter meafure was reprobated by every body: what then was the other alternative ? Why, to profecute the war.-That being admitted, any reprefentation of the inferiority of our finance was unnecefC 2

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