“Ah, well, the Senator need not commence talking to me about withdrawing." "Very well," said Mr. Gordon, subsiding; and, with increased emphasis, said General Logan: "I am not of that kind." Still later in the exciting tilt, General Logan said, in answering a question put to him by the exConfederate brigadier, "If he treats other men kindly, in a kindly spirit will I respond to him? If he treats other men in a denunciatory tone"-and here he tossed back his black hair while his black eyes blazed again-" I tell him that is a game two can play at!"

After passing in review the proceedings of the revolutionary Legislature of Louisiana, and the other circumstances of the situation there, and showing up the inconsistent attitude of the Democracy in now finding fault with what they applauded in General Jackson's day, and what they themselves through President Pierce did in Boston in 1854, when he ordered troops to capture a fugitive slave in that city and return him to Virginia-Senator Bayard interrupted, and General Logan gave him a little attention. Said the General:

I am glad that I gave the Senator an opportunity to repeat what he had said before. It only shows the feeling that there is in the heart. Sometimes when we have said hard and harsh things against a fellowman, when we have cooling time we retract. If, after we have had cooling time, the bitterness of our heart only impels us to repeat it again, it only shows that there is deep-seated feeling there which cannot be uprooted by time. I gave the opportunity to the Senator to make his renewed attack on Sheridan. I will now say what I did not say before, since he has repeated his remarks,-that his attack upon Sheridan, and his declaration that Sheridan is not fit to breathe the free air of a republic, is an invitation to the White-Leaguers to assassinate him. If he is not fit to breathe the free air, he is not fit to live. If he is not fit to live, he is but fit to die. It is an invitation to them to perpetrate murder upon him.

Now let me go further. I announce the fact here in this Chamber to-day, and I defy contradiction, that the Democracy in this Chamber have denounced Sheridan more, since this despatch was published, than they ever denounced Jeff. Davis and the whole rebellion during four years' war against the Constitution of this country. I dislike much to

say these things; but they are true, and as truth ought not to hurt, I will say them.

What is your Democracy of Louisiana? You are excited; your extreme wrath is aroused at General Sheridan because he called your White-Leaguers, down there, "banditti." I ask you if the murder of thirty-five hundred men in a short time for political purposes, by a band of men banded together for the purpose of murder, does not make them "banditti," what it does make them?

Oh, what a crime it was in Sheridan to say that these men were banditti! He is a wretch. From the papers, he ought to be hanged to a lamp-post; from the Senators, he is not fit to breathe the free air of Heaven or of this republic; but your murderers of thirty-five hundred people for political offences are fit to breathe the air of this country and are defended on this floor to-day, and are defended here by the Democratic Party; and you cannot avoid or escape the proposition. You have denounced Republicans for trying to keep the peace in Louisiana; you have denounced the Administration for trying to suppress bloodshed in Louisiana; you have denounced all for the same purpose; but not one word has fallen from the lips of a solitary Democratic Senator denouncing these wholesale murders in Louisiana. You have said, “I am sorry these things are done;" but you have defended White-Leaguers; you have defended Penn; you have defended rebellion; and you stand here to-day the apologists of murder, of rebellion, and of treason in that State.

Sir, we have been told that this old craft is rapidly going to pieces; that the angry waves of dissension in the land are lashing against her sides. We are told that she is sinking, sinking, sinking to the bottom of the political ocean. Is that true? Is it true that this gallant old party, that this gallant old ship that has sailed through troubled seas before, is going to be stranded now upon the rock of fury that has been set up by a clamor in this Chamber and a few newspapers in the country? Is it true that the party that saved this country in all its great crises, in all its great trials, is sinking to-day, on account of its fear and trembling, before an inferior enemy? I hope not. I remember, sir, once I was told that the old Republican ship was gone; but when I steadied myself on the shores bordering the political ocean of strife and commotion, I looked afar off, and there I could see a vessel bounding the boisterous billows, with white sail spread, marked on her sides, "Freighted with the hopes of mankind," while the great Mariner above, as her Helmsman, steered her, navigated her, to a haven of rest, of

peace, and of safety. You have but to look again upon that broad ocean of political commotion to-day, and the time will soon come when the same old craft, freighted with the same cargo, will be seen, flying the same flag, passing through these tempestuous waves, anchoring herself at the shores of honesty and justice; and there she will lie, undisturbed by strife and tumult, again in peace and safety.

PROPOSED TRANSFER OF THE INDIAN BUREAU TO THE WAR DEPARTMENT-SENATOR LOGAN ELOQUENTLY OPPOSES IT, AND PLEADS FOR INDIAN CIVILIZATION AND NATIONAL GOOD FAITH.

On June 20, 1876, the Senate having under consideration. an amendment of the Committee on Appropriations,—of which General Logan was a member,-to strike from the Indian appropriation bill the section transferring the charge of Indian affairs from the Interior Department to the War Department. as proposed by the House of Representatives, Senator Logan made a very strong speech against such transfer, showing an amount of close historical research and a breadth of humanitarianism that did honor equally to his head and heart. It is a speech that should be read by every one who desires to be accurately and thoroughly informed in the history of the treatment of the American Indian from the time of the old royal charters and patents of the colonies and provinces to the present. It was, besides this, a clear and logical and most able argument, proving beyond question that, the transfer of this Bureau of Indian Affairs from the Department of the Interior to the War Department would be a change from a peace policy to a war policy, which would result not in civilizing the Indian but in exterminating him; that, such a transfer of civil administration of the Government to the Military Department is contrary to the spirit of our institutions and the fundamental principles upon which our Republic is based; that, in the opinions of enlightened Christians, philanthropists, and statesmen possessed of that knowledge of Indian character and Indian life which would make

their opinions authoritative, such action as was proposed would be in fact an abandonment of the peace policy and of the hope of civilizing the Indian; and further, by authentic citations from the early charters and the pledges made by Washington and his successors and by the ordinances of our Government from 1775 to the present, that it has always been the policy of this Government to civilize the Indian, and any departure from that policy would be an act of perfidy and bad faith. He also adduced statistics to prove that the Indians, instead of dying out, were slightly increasing, and that out of a total number of 275,000 Indians, 100,000 of them might already be termed "civilized," 52,000 semi-civilized, and that 44,000 of the entire number were engaged in agricultural pursuits. "" Sir," said he, "when I look at these statistics, which seem to mark the dawn of a brighter day for these savage tribes, and in the light of past history contemplate the effect of the passage of this bill, I grow faint and sick." And then, with cumulative force and eloquence, the Senator proceeded:

Will we dare to say, in the face of all these facts,-unsatisfactory as many experiments have been, when we look at the isolated facts,—that the Indians cannot be civilized? Sir, it is too late in the day to express such an opinion as that, when the civilizing forces have already broken off from the mass more than half its bulk.

I tell Senators, now, there is no political reputation in this; there is no political clap-trap in proving to the country that you have no faith in civil authority. There is nothing to be gained by trying to convince the country that this must become a military despotism. The man who attempts to make himself a popular statesman by advocating military authority to rule over civil authority, fails to utter the voice of the American people. Sir, I have been a soldier many years of my life, and I love the position of a soldier. I was fond of it when I belonged to the army, but my belonging to the army never changed my education so far as governmental affairs were concerned. I have learned from history, by my reading from my childhood, that the downfall of governments was by putting power in military hands. I have learned that republics must and can only be maintained by civil authority, not by military.

Put the Indian Department under the War Department, the Pension Bureau next, the Land Office next, abolish the Interior Department next, and then you have got one-fourth of the Government under the charge of the military, and thus a long step taken toward the resumption of military authority in this country. Remember the voices of Clay and Webster, of the great statesmen in this land, against the usurpations and inroads of military authority. It is a lesson that might well be learned, now, by men who are pluming themselves that they are becoming great statesmen. Sir, it is a lesson to be learned by the rising and future generations; for the time will never come that you will satisfy the honest people of this country by making them believe that they are not fit for civil government. I warn, now, the party that undertakes this step in politics as well as in civilization and the advance of Christianity in this country; I warn the man of his future who does it; for there is not an honest Christian in this land, be he of whatever politics he may, who does not abhor the idea of military government. He believes in peaceful means in bringing about civilization, and is willing to undertake it; and do not deprive him of the opportunity.

Mr. President, I have not examined in order to see, but am inclined to believe there is one space in our Centennial display which remains unoccupied that is, an exhibit of the effect of our Indian policy during the past hundred years. There may be, and doubtless are, exhibits of Indian relics, implements, ornaments, trappings, etc., and there may be examples of their workmanship and evidences of their recent progress in the arts of industry; but, sir, I scarcely think we will find there a list of the tribes which once flourished on the soil we now occupy, but which have become extinct in consequence of our contact with them. I presume that we will not find exhibited there, the crimson pages of our history, stained by the blood of unnecessary Indian wars. I presume, sir, we will find, there, no display of the treaties so solemnly made, which have been ruthlessly broken in our anxiety to obtain their lands and appropriate their possessions.

There may be antiquities to remind us of the days of William Penn, but we will scarcely find any tokens to call before us the war of the Everglades, and the history of the Seminoles. Sir, I fear, nay, I should rather say I rejoice, to think this space is left vacant, or filled with other things than those which belong there properly.

Had I the time, and a list prepared, I would present in array one after another the numerous tribes that once flourished over our broad area, but have silently passed into oblivion before the irresistible progress of civilization, with scarcely an effort on our part to save them from extinction. I would point you to a few miserable remnants of