sensation he created both in Ohio and Iowa.

itor-Index, September 19th:

Said the Mon

General Logan is waking up the Republicans in Iowa. He is presenting some strong Republican arguments, and drawing some of the largest crowds that ever came together in that State to attend political meetings. The political interest of 1860 seems to have returned to the people of Iowa. No political speaker ever met with warmer reception, or commanded more attention, in Ohio and Iowa, than General Logan has this fall. The people of those States seem to appreciate Illinois' 'Senator.

Said the Bushnell Record, September 26th:

The enthusiastic reception General Logan receives wherever he goes in other States indicates that he would be a very popular candidate for a national office.

Said the Belvidere Northwestern, of the same date:

During the past week, General John A. Logan has been campaigning in Iowa, and everywhere he goes he does good service for the Republican Party and meets with a most enthusiastic welcome. We notice that many of the Republicans of that State consider him the "dark horse" in the Presidential contest next year. The people might go much farther and fare worse, and we believe that the ball once started in that direction, General Logan would become one of the strongest and most prominent candidates before the people for the Chief Magistracy.

Said the Chicago Journal:

Great crowds gather to hear General John A. Logan in Iowa. They like his plain, emphatic style of putting things.

Said the Pontiac Sentinel, September 17th, under the heading "JOHN A. LOGAN:"

The ablest orator now speaking in the West is he whose name heads this item. In Ohio he gathered audiences such as no other man could gather, and charmed them with his silver-tongued eloquence in a way that no other man has done. In Iowa, he is addressing audiences of ten thousand people, hundreds of whom are soldier-boys that served

under the bold and gallant commander in the field. Everywhere that he goes, he creates an enthusiasm almost unparalleled. The boys in blue are overjoyed to see again the "Black Eagle," invincible in war, whom they followed over a hundred bloody fields to hard-won victories. Our Soldier-President, Grant, was one of the best that ever sat in the White House. He may be followed by another Soldier-President, Logan, equally brave and gifted.

General Logan's Burlington speech was the last he could deliver in Iowa, as he was obliged to go on to Kansas, on business connected with the investigations of a Senate committee.

LOGAN, IN 1879, ON THE RECIPROCAL DUTIES OF THE CITIZEN TO THE GOVERNMENT, AND THE GOVERNMENT TO THE CITIZEN.

In a speech, delivered before the Union Veteran Club, at Chicago, November 13, 1879, General Logan said:

I don't believe that the armies of the Union fought for the purpose of executing the laws against themselves, and letting them be unexecuted against others. I don't believe that the army of this Union fought for the protection of themselves under our Constitution and laws, and at the same time would withdraw the protection from others. I don't believe that the protection of the Government belongs to the white man, or the man of any other color, exclusively. While this Constitution, by its Fourteenth amendment, makes every man a citizen of the United States; while it makes him a citizen and clothes him with the power c citizenship everywhere in this country, at the same time it makes him a citizen it requires of him a duty to the Government, that whenever it calls for his services he is bound to obey that call. And while it puts this duty upon him, not only in war but in peace, there is a corresponding obligation growing out from this Constitution and this Government to that citizen. What is that, my countrymen? It is, that while he is bound by this Government to perform all the duties of a citizen, this Government is bound to him to perform the duty of a nation. The government that fails to extend protection to its citizens in the exercise of their political rights, where it has the power to do it, fails in performing one of the most important duties that belong to a nation, and fails to survive and be perpetuated as a Nation.

I say right here, and I want everyone to understand, that I am in favor of it myself; and I am not in favor of any man or set of men, or parties, be they who they may, that will not extend the power of this Government for the preservation and peace and protection of its citizens in Illinois, or Mississippi, and elsewhere. The man or government that would force a man to vote contrary to his own judgment, does violence to free institutions. A government-city, State, national or local

that will not protect its citizens at an election, be it general or local, in voting as they please, as well as it may or can, fails to perform its duty toward them. I don't mean that this Government can protect one man from being shot-of course not-where the murderer waylays him; but I speak of its citizens, its communities, as bodies. So that, whenever in Chicago, or Illinois, a force, armed or otherwise, undertakes to deprive a community of citizens, or a body of citizens, from exercising their political rights in their own way, under the Constitution and laws-if the power does not exist there to suppress it and protect the citizen, the Government is a failure. That is my notion of a nation.

I want a government that gives me protection-protection to my life, my liberty, and my property,, if I have any. That is what we started out to do in the origin of this Government. I feel, my comrades, that this theory ought not to belong to any party. It ought not to be termed the theory of any political party. It ought to be the theory of every American citizen; and the men who fought to destroy this Union, to-day ought to be the first men to embrace the doctrine that this is a Government with power to protect them, and that the power should be exercised.

LOGAN SECURES THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880 FOR CHICAGO—A BRILLIANT FLANKING MOVEMENT.

As another instance of the close care with which General Logan watched, and the skill with which he worked for, the interest of his State and people, may be mentioned the brilliant flank movement by which, in December, 1879, he secured for Chicago the honor of the Republican Convention of 1880, and at the same time himself named the chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia Press told the story as follows:

To John A. Logan more than to any other man is Don Cameron indebted for his success. The Illinois Senator had set his heart upon having the next Republican Convention held in Chicago. But he feared that a strong movement would be made to bring it East, and was confirmed in this apprehension when he found, a while ago, that Philadelphia was being much talked of as the best place. He saw that the way to nip this movement in the bud was to bring out a Pennsylvania man for chairman, since, in that event, the State would hardly feel like asking the Convention also. He resolved, therefore, to bring out Cameron for the chairmanship, and the result was all that he desired. The Pennsylvania guns were spiked on the locality question, and not a lisp was heard to-day in advocacy of Philadelphia, while Logan's ticket of Cameron for chairman, and Chicago the place, swept the board.

LOGAN'S ABLE LEGAL ARGUMENT IN THE SENATE ON THE FIVEPER-CENT. CLAIMS OF ILLINOIS AND OTHER STATES.

Another powerful speech, during which he was subjected to frequent interruptions by some of the very ablest lawyers of the Senate, his ready responses to whom exhibited his legal acumen and skill in debate, was delivered February 20, 1880, in the United States Senate on a bill "to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to ascertain the amount of land located with military warrants in the States described therein, and for other purposes "-the question involved being the payment of the five-per-cent. claim of the State of Illinois. and other States due to them on the sales or disposal of the public lands within their jurisdiction. It was a legal argument, and was conceded by Senator Edmunds,—although not given to compliment and who took opposite ground, to be a “very able argument." At its close Logan said:

No, Mr. President, this contract, between the Government of the United States and these States, was entered into in good faith, on the part of the people at that time desiring the growth of this country, desiring that it should be peopled, that it should grow into great States. These inducements were held out to get people to organize State governments. They did it, and at the door of this National Government,

for years back, these States have asked that justice be done in reference to this particular thing; and it has been denied, because, forsooth, they say it will tax the people of this country! So does money appropriated for the purpose of dredging out a harbor, which might be convenient to the constituency of some senators and not of others. So does an appropriation for the great harbor of New York, tax the people of this country. So does an appropriation for our lakes and our rivers, tax the people of this country. But because, perhaps, one of the great arteries of this Nation does not wend its way through some of the States, is that any reason why a general fund should not be taken for the purpose of opening up the highway? Is that the argument that is to be used in this Chamber? If so, then the doctrine of the rights of States has gone so far that no one can vote for any appropriation unless it applies peculiarly to his own State.

Sir, we, it seems to me, as an American people, should look above and beyond this. This great country should be one country, one grand whole, where each and every man should be willing that his mite if necessary should be contributed for the general welfare, and that which is agreed to be honest and just between the Government and States, between individuals and individuals, should be kept sacred and considered binding. Good faith should be carried out on the part of all, and then there will be no reason for complaint. Each and every compact with a State should be kept in the most implicit good faith; everything pertaining to the welfare of the people should be faithfully fulfilled, and our arguments, in my judgment, should be in that direction. which would benefit the whole-not that "my State will not be benefited, if this thing is done for the East or for the South," but "the whole country will receive the benefit." So, too, in carrying out agreements and contracts; if they are honest and just, we should all say, "Let them be carried out; whether they benefit my State directly, or not, is immaterial; if the faith of the Government is pledged, let the faith of the Government be kept."

THE FITZ-JOHN porter case—logan's wonDERFUL FOUR DAYS'

SPEECH BEFORE A LISTENING SENATE AND CROWDED GALLERIES.

Of the many great speeches made by General Logan, whether on the stump, before the courts, in the House, or in the Senate, perhaps the greatest of all was the famous four days' speech of March (2, 3, 4, and 5), 1880, on the bill to