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stood facing hundreds of yelling and enthusiastic admirers, the contrast between himself and Evarts at once suggested itself. In his keen eye, his raven-hued hair and mustache, his splendid physique, the conviction of dash and daring forced by his whole air and military bearing, he appeared the man to catch the applause and admiration of the masses. nerves seemed unshaken, while he found only gratification and inspiration in the surroundings. Resting one hand upon the table before him, he awaited silence, presenting a picture that did not tend to induce a cessation of cheers. When he opened his address it was in a low, mellow, but penetrating voice. As he warmed, his physical and mental organisms seemed to unite in their efforts to impress. His gestures were almost constant. They were at times violent. He perspired freely. He was an orator who charged the people with the ardor of a dashing soldier and carried them before him. It was not elegance of diction or beauty of sentiment that troubled the General. He wanted results, and went for them." The toast to which he replied was: "Washington the Republican, he believed in the voice of the people, which can only be heard through a fair ballot and an honest count," and the published accounts said that Logan alluded to the memory of Washington "in his most eloquent language." From one of these reports the following brief extract touching Logan's speech is given:

After stating the principle of representation as based upon population, the speaker proceeded to show that the population in many States was misrepresented through the power of the dominant party exercised outside the ballot-box, and outside their rights as law-abiding citizens. The figures which demonstrated the charges made against the Democratic Party were produced in a comparison of the population and votes of Florida, South Carolina, and Mississippi, of the South, and Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Iowa, and Minnesota, of the North. Numerous other comparative figures were produced, all tending to show that in the South the popular will was defeated through Democratic disregard of law, and that the Southern Democratic States, by their course, pro

cured a much larger relative representation than Northern Republican States. Over seven hundred and eighty thousand voters in nine Southern States were not represented, and they comprised the Republicans, who were defrauded of their rights of citizenship. This meant that the negro vote was rejected. It meant that the Constitution was defied. It meant that the men who, by rebellion, forfeited their rights to vote, were depriving the negroes of that right; but, as sure as fate, there will come a time when this thing must stop. Some time there will be a candidate for President who will not permit his men to be thus driven from the polls. He hoped the curse of war would never again be brought upon the people, but the same causes that precipitated the rebellion are again at The South is unified by the Democracy. The Senator said he had grave fears for the future. Every Republican that loves his country; that believes in this Union; every man who believes that the glory of this country belongs to her sons, should come forward and say: “I am for law and order. I am for the Republican Party." By way of conclusion, the Senator admitted that he and Senator Evarts had an ulterior motive in visiting Michigan. Mr. Evarts wanted to correct his sentences, and the gentleman from Illinois to correct his grammar. [Great applause and laughter.]

LOGAN'S ELOQUENT ADVICE TO THE

AMERICAN NEGRO-THE

POSSIBILITIES OF THAT RACE.

Early in March, 1886, Logan made an address to the colored people at the Metropolitan A. M. E. Church, in which he said some very wise and striking things—among them, these:

I tell you our white people are fast growing indolent and lazy. If you watch your chances and take timely advantage of the opportunities offered you, your race will be the wage-workers, the skilled artisans, and, eventually, the land-owners and the wealthy class of this country. I advise you to learn trades; learn to become machinists. You have the ability and capacity to reach the highest point, and even go farther in the march of progress than has any people, yet. Slavery not only blighted you and stinted your growth, but it also blighted the intellect and dulled the perception of the Southern whites who dealt in it. Do you know that the South never produced a great historian, a great poet, a great inventor, nor a great musician? This was left for the North. Yet all this is possible with your people. I predict that the time will come, and it is not far off, when we will have a negro poet from the

South. He will set the magnificent splendor of the "Sunny South" to music. His muse will touch the lyre, and you will hear the sweet murmur of the stream, the rippling waters, and we shall see the beauty of that country as it was never seen before. He will come; and, after him, other still greater men. But it takes labor to make a great man, just as it takes centuries to make a great nation. The future is yours, and you have it in which to rise to the heights or descend to the depths.

LOGAN'S GREAT

MEMORIAL-DAY ORATION AT THE TOMB OF

GRANT, RIVERSIDE PARK, NEW YORK, 1886.

The 31st day of May, 1886, was a day ever to be remembered in the history of New York City. It was Memorial Day, the first since the death of Grant, and a demonstration, unprecedentedly grand, was made in honor of that illustrious man and warrior, and of the countless thousands of other Union heroes of less degree who died that the Nation might live. There was a grand parade upon the water, of ships of the North Atlantic squadron and other vessels, and, through the streets, of the military--the latter so extensive that the march past the reviewing-stand, occupied by President Cleveland, and other distinguished persons, consumed two hours. All New York was out of doors to witness the unwonted spectacle, while at Riverside Park, about the tomb of Grant-which was "buried beneath tons of roses and other flowers sent from all parts of the country"-was gathered an assemblage "estimated at forty thousand people," to listen to the interesting memorial exercises of the Grand Army of the Republic, and to the great oration pronounced by Logan upon the departed chieftain. Wherever Logan appeared and was recognized he was greeted with cheers, and his "tribute to Grant" was "received with enthusiasm," when uttered, and with well-merited encomiums by the general press and public when they read it in the journals of the land. It was regarded as a "masterpiece of oratory," worthy of its great subject, and of himself. It was the last great memorial

oration that Logan lived to make, and was in these eloquent words:

COMRADES, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN-A great poet and marvellous delineator of human character and impulses, a dramatist to whom posterity has conceded the first rank, has placed in the mouth of one of his. characters the words:

"Blow, blow, thou winter wind,

Thou art not so unkind

As man's ingratitude."

For three hundred years this verdict of the bard of Avon has been silently accepted by the readers of his enchanted works until the stricture it represents has come to be considered in the light of a truism.

The sentiment it expresses has found frequent and varied repetition by pessimistic writers, weeping declaimers, superficial observers, and turgid orators bewailing the imperfections of human nature.

Standing at the farther end of three hundred years, Shakespeare has passed a sentiment down the line of the centuries which has been amplified by a sorrowing mentor of our own time into the broad declaration that " Republics are ungrateful." And thus, upon the one hand we are confronted by the allegation of the inspired poet, and upon the other we are met by its corollary; the full proposition being reduced to the statement. men and republics are alike ungrateful.

Friends, upon this closing day of the budding spring, when “hoary frosts have fallen in the fresh lap of the crimson rose," our smiling land presents a scene that should forever blot from the record the slander of the poet and the silly carping of the politician.

Millions of people have gathered to-day to sing pæans of gratitude to their sleeping benefactors, and, with one loud voice to chant anthems of sweet appreciation, that may rise from earth to heaven like

"Sabæan odors from the spicy shore

Of Araby the blest."

We have come to claim our share in this beautiful and grateful service, and to perform our parts in an act that possesses no quality of a. task. To be an American citizen, officiating in a service of gratitude to the fallen defenders of his country, is but second to being numbered among those to whom this homage is rendered. No more lofty acts are to be found in the records of authentic history than the noble sacrifices of the American soldier upon the field of battle and the votive: offerings of his countrymen upon the holy altar of his memory.

You have devolved upon me the duty of voicing your sentiments of fellowship, of gratitude, and of affection upon a day that has been consecrated to the American soldier-one that will continue to be observed by our countrymen as long as the Republic shall last or patriotism shed its beams across our happy homes.

Kind indulgence alone has prompted you to thus honor one that had the good-fortune to closely follow a leader who, since your last tribute to our departed comrades, has taken his place beside the pale sleepers -he that now here rests by the murmuring waters of the historic Hudson, and about whose tomb requiems are sung by gentle voices swelling from the tree-tops and mountain-sides of the mystic Catskills.

A realization of my inability to measure up to the full requirements of such an occasion stares me in the face, but one owing everything to the indulgence of his countrymen must ever feel reliant under their support.

Assembled countrymen! A quarter of a century has fallen into the abyss of eternity since the vernal air of an April morning rang out the announcement that "war, horrid war," was full upon our people. Men and women are now before me in the full growth and estate of maturity, who have come upon the stage of life and action since that appalling event occurred.

But they know, as well as the actors in it, the sad story of that blighting conflict, when men of the same nationality met in opposing ranks upon the field of battle. Their hearts swell with the same pride of country and palpitate with the same beat of gratitude as do those of the men and women who lived through the crucial test, whereby the strength of the Republic was tried in the fire of steel. Two million three hundred and thirty-five thousand nine hundred and fifty-one patriots voluntarily left their homes, their families, and their peaceful pursuits, to defend upon the battle-plain and over the swelling wave the principle then submitted to decision under the dread arbitrament of Of this vast number, as we learn from a report of the AdjutantGeneral, three hundred and sixty thousand graves in the National cemeteries mark the number of those killed in battle, and dying in hospitals, upon road-sides, in prisons, as the result of wounds, of disease, of hardships, of exposure, or of maltreatment.

war.

We are not here to talk of causes that demanded the sacrifices represented by these figures, nor yet to narrate thrilling incidents of battle with fascinating stories of gallant patriotism. But, my friends, nearly one-half million young, brave, useful lives have suffered untimely extinguishment through the cruel circumstances of war, and within the close circle of that excruciating fact is to be found the moving causes of the remarkable scene this day enacted in our country.

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