example by first suffering themselves, the mind may acquire a species of wisdom which it will seek for in vain in the history of states and statesmen, of war and warriors. It was a period of excitement, such as has rarely been witnessed. Never was the right of conscience more fiercely battled for; never did zeal assume a more furious aspect. On the side of both the persecutors and the persecuted, religion was the one great object of thought, the one motive of action, the supreme, allengrossing mistress of the mind and heart. Sad as is the spectacle which the results of this state of feeling produced in the reign of Mary, it would be an injustice not to acknowledge that there was a degree of grandeur in this devotion of a community to the highest subjects of human thought, and that, perverted as was the principle by the most terrible of errors, its concentration in the popular mind betokens how vast a stride had morally been made when the nation could thus resign itself to influences which derive so little of their force from mere worldly or material considerations. The Cranmers and the Gardiners, the Ridleys and the Bouners, were the representatives of multitudes inspired by the same holy, or the same fiery zeal; and could history look with a minuter eye on the transactions of the period, there is little doubt but that the instances of a very near approach to their character in the persons of undistinguished individuals would be found extraordinarily

numerous.

But the struggle was not simply between Protestantism and Catholicism, or between those who desired to see the human mind emancipated from the worst slavery, and those who desired to rivet its fetters

but between those tendencies to general improvement which now characterised the nation, and the opposing forces which would have resettled it in ignorance. From the reservoirs of learning among the Lebanons of knowledge, refreshing rills, though at first small and minute, descend to the plain. The state of the community is always more or less influenced by the prevailing studies of its scholars; and when it is considered how greatly the Reformation, and the improvement of the people, which we have been contemplating, were owing to the annihilation of false systems of science and study, it will be well understood how much danger was incurred at this period when Mary and her counsellers resolved on the restoration of scholasticism. Happily for the nation and mankind, the seeds of genuine knowledge had been too widely scattered to suffer such an attempt to succeed; but had this queen's reign been prolonged, it is impossible to say what would have been the injuries sustained by that active and inquisitive spirit, which was as yet of too short a growth to sustain, without harm, the continued pressure of ignorance. The scholastic method of studying theology was essential to the support of Catholicism. Its tortuous argumentations allowed the student quietly to part with truth on the way, and its syllogisms hedged them within a circle, round which they might run with the highest degree of speed, without ever advancing one step nearer the great sources of knowledge.

The accession of Elizabeth was an event to which we may still look back with a feeling of gladness. With it was connected the re-establishment of principles, of which we, as well as our forefathers, enjoy the beneficent effects. A revolution could not have produced a greater change than that which followed this event. The gloom which the

bigotry of Mary had spread over the nation-a gloom not less experienced by those who agreed with her in severity, than by those who were the objects of her persecution-immediately gave way to stirring, hopeful anticipations. The dangers which had threatened the constitution, or many of the principles which formed its firmest support, vanished at the appearance of a princess on the throne who had no dark or secret interests to promote. There was every reason to apprehend, from the machinations of Mary in aid of her favourite objects that not only the public liberty, but the national independence, would fall a sacrifice to her counsels. Her attempts to change the order of succession,-to restore the pope to his supremacy in the English church, and to win, if possible, the attentions of the haughty and sullen Philip, by conceding to him the authority which she had alone the right to assume, these were all in manifest opposition to that spirit of freedom and intelligence which had now obtained a wide influence in the community. Both religiously and politically, therefore, the country had the strongest motives for hailing with satisfaction the accession of Elizabeth; and we may ascribe much of that fresh, spring-like gaiety and vigour which characterize the literature of this age, to the sudden and felicitous impuise which the general mind thus received. There was, however, a numerous set of obstacles in the way of those improvements in the state of the country, which were so devoutly to be desired. Though the direst of evils had been incurred by the people at large, from the anxiety and distrust consequent on persecution, there was a large multitude who would have gladly endured a continuance of those evils rather than see the protestants freed from danger. The situation, moreover, in which the nation was placed, in reference to foreign potentates, demanded the most cautious counsels; and while, on the one hand, a feeling of triumph inspired many, there were others who, equally joyful at the change, were sobered into the exercise of the most thoughtful prudence. An admirable class of men was thus brought into action by the necessities of the time, while the brightening prospects which it exhibited gave birth to the happiest spirit of poetry and the arts. Among Elizabeth's earliest counsellors were some of the wisest politicians whose names are to be found in English history. Sir Nicholas Bacon, Cecil, Walsingham, stand at the head of those public men to whom we are indebted for the introduction of that enlightened system of politics which set the Machiavellism of foreign courts at defiance Had it not been for their calm and temperate advice, the sudden change which the protestants found in their condition might have been the cause of new offences-not the less dangerous because from another quarter-against justice and religion. The address with which Bacon, as lord-keeper, opened the parliament, is a valuable illustrative document, and serves as a key to the characters and opinions of many of the most conspicuous men of the day. It was his object, he said, to lay before them "the distracted state of the nation, both in matters of religion and the other miseries that the wars and late calamities had brought upon them." "For religion," he remarked, "the queen desired they would consider of it without heat or partial affection, or using any reproachful term of papist or heretic; and that they would avoid the extremes of idolatry and superstition on the one hand, and contempt and irreligion on the other; and that they would examine matters

without sophistical niceties, or too subtle speculations, and endeavour to settle things so as might bring the people to an uniformity and cordial agreement in them." In regard to the state of the nation, he declared, that the queen was very unwilling to lay any new impositions upon them, and that, notwithstanding her necessities, "she would desire no supply, but what they did freely and cheerfully offer."5 The advice which Cecil gave her majesty on the topics alluded to in this speech, was founded on a similar cautiousness of temper, and gives a striking picture of the real difficulties which environed the nation in its passage from the late period of darkness and trouble. "The bishop of Rome," said he, "will be incensed: he will excommunicate the queen, interdict the realm, give it a prey to all princes that will enter upon it, and stir them up to it by all manner of means. The French king will be encouraged more to the war. He will be in great hope of aid from hence, of those discontented with this alteration, looking for tumults and discords. Scotland will have the same causes of boldness. Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in obedience, by reason of the clergy; that is so addicted to Rome." But notwithstanding the threatening aspect of the continent, and the fearful balancing of strength between the hottest partizans of the opposite systems, the kingdom found itself, in a short time, again advancing to prosperity. The difficulties with which the partizans of the Reformation were surrounded, served but to stimulate their leaders to more strenuous exertions: the dangers which threatened the nation from abroad were met by an increased and more lively patriotism; the parliament and the sovereign were closely united in furthering the same purposes; and the church, now aided by the talents and the experience of men who had learned much in suffering, emerged from the cloud with which the sanguinary fumes of persecution had enveloped it.

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The most general view of the commencement of Elizabeth's reign enables us to discover many prognostics of its subsequent splendour. A superintending and almighty Providence appears to have so ordered it, that the establishment of the reformed religion should be attended, in this country, with the most manifest signs of its utility. Thus the purifying of the church, as to its rites and ceremonies, was followed by a corresponding improvement in the intellectual condition of the people: the advancement of theological science, by the aid of sound learning, more practical than dogmatical, but sufficiently doctrinal to show its constant bearing on divine truth, seemed to prepare the way for the greatest reformation in every other species of study that had as yet been experienced. And this may fairly lead us to observe, that Elizabeth's reign was throughout distinguished by the cultivation of objects of utility; that it was the very opposite of those in which the appearance of prosperity resulted from the factitious display of unprofitable conquests; and that we have hence a very striking proof, how far preferable is the dominion of common sense, of sound practical intelligence, even for poetical literature, to the rule of gaiety and luxury, where the ordinary interests of mankind are forgotten. Elizabeth's reign was the golden age of English literature, because religion and the homely duties, both of public and of private life, were cultivated with

Burnet's Hist. Reform. vol. ii. P. 590. 6 Turner, note, p. 315.

assiduous care.

The sovereign, in her sphere, was an example to each of her subjects in theirs. She was not averse to cheerful displays of wealth, but she was ever anxious to provide for its security. "She made some progress," it is said of her, "in paying those great debts which lay upon the crown; she regulated the coin, which had been much debased by her predecessors; she furnished her arsenals with great quantity of arms from Germany and other places; engaged her nobility and gentry to imitate her example in this particular; introduced into the kingdom the art of making gunpowder and brass cannon; fortified her frontiers on the side of Scotland; made frequent reviews of the militia; encouraged agriculture, by allowing a free exportation of corn; promoted trade and navigation, and so much increased the shipping of her kingdom, both by building vessels of force herself, and suggesting like undertakings to the merchants, that she was justly styled the restorer of naval glory, and the queen of the northern seas. "7 The confidence which this conduct generated in her subjects was of the utmost importance to the country. It went far towards repressing the murmurs of even religious malecontents: the blessings of security, of plenty enjoyed in peace, are not unfelt even by the most bigoted, though they come from their opponents; and they operate like a strong but unsuspected sedative on the mind of many a popular polemic.

It ought not, however, to be forgotten, that there were many events in the reign of Elizabeth which tended to imbue the active spirit of the times with higher feelings than those resulting from the mere contemplation of utility. The defeat of the Spaniards, of their invincible armada, produced effects on the nation internally of much greater consequence than those, great as they were, which resulted to it politically. A chivalrous desire to meet the enemy filled the mind of almost every man in the kingdom. To the request which the ministers made to the city of London, that it would contribute five thousand men and fifteen ships, it sent in answer, ten thousand men and thirty ships. This sentiment, while it surmounted all others which the politics of the day called forth, did really exalt the national character, by making the people conscious of the power they possessed, and leading them to understand how entirely the preservation of their freedom depended on their bravery and sacrifices. Even the lowest of the soldiers partook of the enthusiasm; and Stowe says that he saw them marching towards Tilbury "with cheerful countenances, courageous words and gestures, and dancing and leaping, wheresoever they came; while in the camp their most felicity was the hope of fighting with the enemy, where oftimes, divers reports ran of their foes' approach, and that present battle would be given them, then were they as joyful at such news as if lusty giants were to run a race.' These feelings, in minds of a higher order, could not fail to re-awaken those ennobling principles which sometimes sparkled forth in the best days of chivalry, but had been generally stifled in their birth by the burdensome pomp of the institution. Now they had free play, and and such men as Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Francis Drake, and others of the same class, the true ancestors of English nobility, were greatly indebted, for their virtues and accom

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plishments, to the bright age of patriotism,-of mingled trial and prosperity, of business and of sentiment, in which they had the fortunate lot to be born.

Acting in a very different way on the public mind, but not unbeneficially, was the mingled sentiment of indignation and horror with which it beheld the conduct of France towards the unfortunate protestants of that country. Sympathy for those who suffer in defending principles for which we ourselves contend is of a quite different nature to the ordinary emotion of compassion which goes by the same name. Nor can a nation receive a more powerful impulse in its moral advancement and capacities. Corruptions of truth are never so palpable to the unpractised eye as when conjoined with violations of justice and humanity. They compel reason and passion to labour under the same yoke; and, situated as England was at the time of the Bartholomew massacre, there can be little doubt but that the feelings which it inspired contributed in a high degree to animate multitudes with a deeper and more ardent gratitude for the light they enjoyed. Nor were the numerous precautions which it was found necessary to take against the attempts of the Catholic princes and their emissaries without their influence in another point of view. The tone of society was thereby prevented from degenerating into tamneness,-pleasure was enjoyed with a richer zest,—a full and warm colouring of natural sentiment diffused itself over the common customs of life, and the picturesqueness of the age, delighting in masques and revelries, was easily made to furnish types of true poetical force and beauty.

We might greatly extend our observations on the circumstances which were combined in rendering the age of Elizabeth so glorious a period of English history. It might be added, that the intercourse which now took place with the most distant countries was in no slight measure favourable to improvement, and that the writers of the day had the advantage of that importation of Spanish literature and historical traditions which had occurred in the preceding reign. But the brief view we have taken is sufficient to point out the main incentives to exertion which the great men of the age received from without; and, while the names of Shakspeare, Spenser, and the rest who formed the splendid galaxy of which they were the centre stars, afford us more than a remembrance of that memorable era, may we look with pleasure, and not without instruction, at even the probable causes which tended to the developement of their genius.

I.--POLITICAL SERIES.

Henry VEL.

BORN A. d. 1457.—died a. d. 1509.

THIS prince was born in 1457. His father was Edmund, earl of Richmond, son of Sir Owen Tudor, by Catherine of France.

His