ency forms any just ground of objection to its introduc

tion.

If this plan may one day result in equality, because it will render men so wise, so wealthy, and so happy, that distinctions in property or in rank will no longer be deemed desirable;-so may the progress of Christianity result in equality, when Christianity shall have rendered all men so humble, so benevolent, and so virtuous, that they shall esteem all earthly distinctions as unreal vanities, if not as sinful presumptions ;-and so may the principles, precepts, and practice, of any moral philosopher cr philanthropist, or of all philosophers and philanthropists united, result in equality, when the force of their principles, of their precepts, and of their example, shall be universally diffused, and universally felt and acknowledged! An universal equality, produced by means such as these, is indeed a consummation most devoutly to be wished, and most joyfully and gratefully to be received.

On the supposition, then, that in this way Mr. Owen's system may result in equality, let us see in what respects it still differs from all other schemes of equality,-schemes against which the mind naturally entertains strong prejudices, and with which it has been forced by past events to connect little else than unfavourable associations. It is necessary, therefore, that we who unite with Mr. Owen, should show that our scheme neither partakes of their character, nor is in any degree of their kindred.

If our scheme should produce equality, that will be its result, not its original character, nor its ruling principle or power..

All schemes of equality, on the other hand, have proposed to commence with the abolition of distinctions and the equal division of property.-They have proposed to begin thus, in order, according to the view of their projectors, that good, and the happiness of mankind, might

ensue.

Our scheme proposes to begin with the acquisition of good,-with the attainment of happiness, with the cultivation of the moral and intellectual powers from earliest childhood, and continued to the latest period of existence, -and with the abolition of no distinctions, but such as all men must desire to see removed, the wretched distinctions afforded by gradations in vice, poverty, and misery!

The projectors of schemes of equality have wished to begin with the equality, in the anticipation of a result, (happiness,) the occurrence of which all men are entitled to dispute and to deny which is exceedingly doubtful in itself, and is an end, which the proposed means seem far from being adequate to accomplish.

Our scheme begins with the end which the others only propose eventually to accomplish; and our scheme is utterly regardless of further results, let those results be what they may, in the firm assurance, that to whatever state men shall be led by the guidance of reason and of virtue, that state must be the most favourable to their felicity.— Economist.

Even as respects each society, the object sought to be obtained is not equality in rank or possessions, is not community of goods, but full, complete, unrestrained cooperation, on the part of all the members, for every purpose of social life, whether as regards the means of subsistence, or of promoting the intellectual and moral improvement and happiness of the whole body.

This is the true and only secret of the system,-the natural course of action, under which alone social beings (possessing powers of combination derived from natural instincts, and improved by scientific principles) can derive all the advantages which are within their reach, and by which alone they can be bound together in society, without the agency of force and sanguinary laws, which have always, hitherto, been found necessary to hold them together. Even Christianity, because its professors have omitted to obey the injunctions of the Author of their Faith, on this point, because they have excluded from their societies the true and natural principle on which alone society can be permanently and securely founded,-even Christianity has hitherto, on this account, failed to unite men in the bonds of love and fellowship; and it is found as necessary to employ force in Christian countries, for the preservation of the existing system, as in those parts of the world to which Christianity has not yet been communicated!

This is one amongst the numberless facts, which ought at once to satisfy all, unprejudiced, not only of the great imperfection of the present system of society; but of the fact, that the fundamental error of society is the opposition

of interests, the artificial obstacles thus created to prevent cordial co-operation,—and the ruinous checks thus entailed upon the production and distribution of wealth, as well as upon the spread of true principles.

Even a religion, enjoining all men to be of "one heart and of one soul,”-teaching a pure morality,—and offering the most consolatory doctrines and brilliant hopes and expectations to mankind, has for upwards of eighteen centuries exerted its influence in vain, because its influence has necessarily been counteracted by the nature of society, fruitful only in counteractions; and it might continue to exert its influence for as many centuries more, with the same success, if the form of society remained unchanged. Indeed, the earthly triumph of Christianity would be the establishment of the new system of society. Its successful progress would result in such an extension of the benevolent principle, as to induce every individual to merge his individual interest and happiness in the general good, and in the promotion of the general welfare. Either, then, we must wait for the earthly felicity promised by Christianity, until Christianity itself shall have slowly and imperceptibly removed the obstacle which opposes its full and complete action;-or, aided by science and benevolent feelings, and under the guidance of Christian principles, we must, in so far as is at present possible, remove the obstacle, now that it has at length been discovered,-induce men, by interesting even their selfishness, to enter into that state of society which is most favourable to virtue and to happiness, and which presents the greatest facilities for the universal diffusion of knowledge, and for the early formation of good habits and amiable character,—and thus facilitate the arrival of that felicitous state which Christianity has foretold, and which it has promised to establish.

It is remarkable, that all that is proposed to be effected by Mr. Owen's system, and all, probably, that it is capable of effecting, is to prepare mankind for the blissful change which is expected to take place in their condition.

When that period shall at length arrive, then indeed all men will be of one heart and of one soul,-will have but one interest, and will enjoy a perfect equality in rank and an unlimited community of goods.

The new system proposes to unite, in each community, only two or three hundred families, by the bond of their

mutual interests, and their sense of the great advantages which may be derived by each from the cordial co-opera

tion of all.

We know not yet of any motive sufficiently strong, of any bond, by which all mankind, or even a few thousands of families, could be induced to enter into a state of unity and of common property and pursuits.

That is a consummation reserved for a higher period in the progress of the world,-for the development of powers with which we are still unacquainted, or for the operation of Divine Grace, crowning with universal harmony the whole design and accomplishment of creation.

In the new societies, on the contrary, there will not be a real community of goods, even as respects the associated members of each village.

At first view, there appears to be the establishment of a community of goods; and I believe I have myself frequently applied the term to the arrangements. This, however, has arisen from inattention, and from not having examined the point with that care and precision which are necessary for coming to accurate conclusions.

The individuals forming an association may possess various portions of wealth at the moment when the association is formed. One member is worth nothing,—another has a hundred, a third a thousand pounds, and so on. If there were a community of goods, the separate wealth of the individual members would be merged in the general fund, in the common stock of the society. It has never, however, been contemplated that such an arrangement should take effect. On the contrary, each member may lodge his personal property where he thinks proper. He may employ it as he thinks proper, and spend it as he thinks proper.

Again, if there were a community of goods, the joint property would be vested in the community. A member could neither sell his interest nor dispose of it by will, nor demand an equivalent for it, if he were expelled from the society, or if he thought fit voluntarily to retire from it. Each member, however, will have a right to exercise all these acts of absolute property over that proportion of the partnership stock which belongs to him.

A community of goods, therefore, is neither the distinguishing feature of the system, nor the direct object which

it is intended to accomplish. On the contrary, it distinctly recognises, and carefully preserves, the right of private property, and of individual accumulation and posses

sion.

Its distinguishing feature is unity of physical and intellectual power,-its instrument, or agency, unrestrained cooperation, its objects, the unlimited and uncontrolled production and distribution of wealth; in which term I include every thing that is desirable to man, or that is necessary to his true well-being and happiness.-Economist.

CHAPTER III.

OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

SECTION I.

THE ORIGIN AND OBJECTS OF GOVERNMENT.

GOVERNMENT, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of Paradise. For, were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which, in every other case, advises him out of two evils to choose the least.Paine.

It has been thought a considerable advance towards establishing the principles of freedom, to say that government is a compact between those who govern and those who are governed: but this cannot be true, because it is putting the effect before the cause; for as man must have existed before governments existed, there necessarily was a time when governments did not exist, and consequently there could originally exist no governors to form such a compact with. The fact therefore must be, that the individuals themselves, each in his own personal and sovereign