Ambassador, they might look forward with assurance to a speedy alleviation of the pressure which weighed so heavily upon them. The condition of the French Protestants, far better in appearance, was in reality less hopeful than that of the English The French Catholics. By the Edict of Nantes, liberty of conProtestants. science was accorded to them in every part of France. Liberty of worship was permitted in the houses of 3,500 gentlemen, and in a large number of towns, whilst the right of maintaining Protestant garrisons in certain strong places was conceded to them as a security against the encroachments of the Catholic nobility. The last clause was perhaps necessary, but it was full of danger for the future, since it offered a strong temptation to the 1621. The civil war in France. Protestant body to form themselves into an independent community, and to throw themselves in the way of the organization of the monarchy. At last, in the spring of 1621, civil war, long expected, broke out once more. Whilst the more trusted leaders of the Reformed Churches were proclaiming the necessity of submission to the Crown, in spite of present grievances and future fears, the Protestants of the towns, with their clergy at their head, had persisted in maintaining, in the face of the Government, the right of holding an illegal assembly at Rochelle. They had sadly miscalculated their power. Taking the King with him, Luynes swept down upon Protestant France. One town after Quarrel be- another fell before him, and he was in the full career of conquest when Sir Edward Herbert presented himself with an offer of mediation in his master's name. He was treated with studied insolence. "What," said Luynes, "has the King your master to do with our actions? Why does he meddle with our affairs?" After some altercation, Luynes burst out into a passion. "By God," he said, "if you were not an ambassador I would treat you in another fashion." Herbert, who was one of the most noted duellists in Europe, laid his hand upon his sword. "If I am an ambassador," he replied, "I am also a gentleman, and there is that here which would make you an answer." After such a tween Herbert and Luynes. 1622 DONCASTER IN FRANCE. 291 scene, James had hardly any choice but to recall his ambassador. It would have been well if he had also desisted from any further attempt to mediate in the quarrel, and had opened his eyes to the fact that, by rousing the national susceptibilities of the French, he was doing the greatest possible injury to the cause which he meant to serve. Doncaster's mission. This, however, was not James's opinion. Laying all the blame upon Herbert's personal conduct, he despatched Doncaster upon a special mission to plead the cause of peace. Personally the selection was a good one. Always a warm partisan of France, Doncaster was more likely than anyone else to obtain a courteous answer to his propositions. Yet it was probably fortunate for him that, shortly after his arrival in France, he was prevented by an attack of fever from demanding an audience. When at last October 17. he was sufficiently recovered to carry on the negotiation, the Royal forces had been checked in their career of victory. The old Huguenot spirit had been roused at last, and the southern Protestants were standing at bay behind the walls of Montauban. Doncaster was accordingly told that the King was ready to show mercy to the rebels, and to give assurance that no attack should be made upon their religious liberties, if they would only consent to make submission to him as their Sovereign.2 Death of Five days after this reply was given the siege of Montauban was raised, and it seemed possible that Luynes's failure to take the place would render him more conciliatory. In less than six weeks, however, the all-powerful favourite died, and whatever hopes of peace had been entertained were suddenly blasted. Louis fell for the time Doncaster's into the hands of the party which was bent upon continuing the war, and Doncaster, finding his efforts thwarted on every side, returned to England to give an account of his failure. 1622. return. 1 Even this amount of humiliation was not sufficient for James. Life of Lord Herbert of Cherbury. Herbert to the King, July 31. Doncaster to the King, Aug. 1, 1621, S. P. France. 2 Doncaster to Calvert, Oct. 26, 1621, S. P. France. April. He goes back to France. Doncaster, he resolved, must go back, to France. His was, indeed, a thankless task. By the French ministers he was received with all courtesy ; but he was plainly told that it did not stand with their master's honour to allow a foreign sovereign to mediate in their internal disputes. On June 22, therefore, he took his leave without having effected anything whatever.1 Sir Edward Herbert was ordered to return to Paris, the death of Luynes having removed the obstacle in the way of his career. June. He returns to England. There still remained a practical question awaiting the decision of James. During the winter, commissioners from Deputies from Rochelle. Rochelle had been received by him with civility. He had given them permission to export provisions and munitions of war, and he had authorised the bishops to order a collection in all the churches in aid of the French Protestants who had taken refuge in England.2 The Rochellese, however, were not content with assistance of this moderate kind. The Channel swarmed with their privateers, and every 3 July. week some fresh prize belonging to French owners was brought into an English port. For some time the French ambassador, Tillières, remonstrated in vain. At last the Council received his complaints, and promised that redress should be given. Orders were issued to seize the prizes which had been brought into English harbours, and restore them to their owners. Such orders, however, were not always executed with punctuality. The sympathies of the inhabitants of the ports were all on the side of the privateers, and it not unfrequently happened that a Rochellese captain was able to sell his booty at Plymouth or Dover, before the magistrates chose to open their eyes to his presence. 1 Doncaster to Calvert, June 26, 1622, S. P. France. 2 The Deputies to Calvert, Aug. 24 Order in Council, Oct. 12, S. P. France. Doncaster to Calvert, Oct. 26. 3 Remonstrances of Tillières, S. P. France, 1621, 1622, passim. 4 Mayor of Rye to Calvert, May 1. The Council to Zouch, May 4. Vivian to the Council, May 17. Fulnetby to Zouch, May 17. Petition of R. Dure, May (?). The Council to Zouch, July 11. S. P. Dom. cxxx. I, 16, 91, 92, 134, cxxxii. 28. 1622 Affairs of FRANCE AND GERMANY. 293 By the mere force of inertness James had come to the wise conclusion that it would be better not to interfere in France. Unhappily it needed very different qualities to bring Germany. him to a right judgment with respect to the war in Germany. In no sense could the German quarrel be considered as a merely internal dispute. Not only were the various states of which the Empire was composed possessed of rights which almost elevated them to the position of independent sovereignties, but the interference of Spain had raised a question which all European Governments were interested in solving. Interference and non-interference. Yet, after all, different as might be the mode in which a wise statesman would have dealt with the two countries, his principle of action would have been the same. In both France and Germany it would be necessary to avoid the slightest appearance of compromising civil order by the protection given to religious liberty. In France interference was unwise because it would only serve to perpetuate anarchy. In Germany it would be wise in so far as it could be made use of to make anarchy impossible. It was this thought by which Digby's policy had been inspired. What difficulties he had met with from Maximilian's ambition and from Frederick's self-will have been Digby's policy. already told. When he returned to England in the autumn his game was all but ruined. One chance alone remained. If James, putting himself at the head of the nation, could force Spain and the League to respect his power, and could at the same time compel his son-in-law to offer solid guarantees that he would from henceforth refrain from breaking the peace of the Empire, all might yet be well. With the dissolution of Parliament this last chance was thrown away. Mere words would not go far to reassure the peaceful populations of Germany, or to inspire Ferdinand with the belief that his enemy could be safely entrusted with power, or to crush in Frederick's bosom that ill-timed elation which the slightest breath of success was certain to quicken into life. How completely his cause was lost was the last thing which James was likely to perceive. "I will govern," he said James's self 1621. December. The armies in the Pala tinate. triumphantly, "according to the good of the common weal, but not according to the common will." Yet, as he confidence. looked upon Germany, he might well have despaired; everything there was in confusion. Mansfeld had hardly reached the Palatinate when Tilly and the Bavarians, following hard upon his heels, planted themselves securely in that fertile plain which stretches from the forest-clad slopes of the Odenwald to the banks of the Rhine. Mansfeld was in want of money and supplies, but he had never far to look for plunder. The Bishopric of Strasburg, and the Austrian lands in Alsace, provided quarters for his famished troops.2 Next spring, he gave out, he would not stand alone. The air was full of rumours. The Margrave of Baden, it was said, was arming, and would soon have more than 20,000 men under arms. The Duke of Würtemberg would bring 8,000 into the field. Christian of Brunswick, with 5,000 horse, was harrying the lands of the Bishop of Paderborn, and would swoop down upon the Palatinate as soon as the fine weather appeared.3 Such numbers would far exceed any force that Tilly could bring against them, and James was easily persuaded that no great effort on his part was needed. Yet at least he would do something. Immediately upon the adjournment of the Houses, he had announced his intention of sending 8,000 foot, and 1,600 horse, to take part in the war. The Commons, he thought, would be willing to grant the necessary supplies, when they met again in February.4 An English force to be levied. The dissolution followed, and all hope of a Parliamentary grant was laid aside. By a fresh stretch of the prerogative the imposition on wine was doubled, and an extraordinary payment of ninepence in the pound was laid upon all commodities imported by aliens.5 Recourse, too, was once more had to a 1 Mead to Stuteville, Feb. 2, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 140. 2 Vere to Carleton, Dec. 20, 1621, S. P. Holland. 3 Vere to Carleton, Dec. 27, 1621, Ibid. 4 Nethersole to Carleton, Dec. 20, Ibid. Collectio Camerariana, xlviii. 92. Digby to Frederick, Dec. 30, Royal Library, Munich. 5 Council Register, Jan. 12. Locke to Carleton, Jan. 23. S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 40. |