officials. Three several motions were proposed in accordance with these views,-one by Dr Makellar to the effect,

That while the Commission, at every meeting during the continued momentous struggle in which the church is engaged, will maintain her constitutional rights and liberties; and while they feel impressed with a sense of the danger to which they are exposed, and by recent events more imminently than ever; and while they feel the necessity for increased firmness and energy in defending them, they refrain from obtruding the subject upon her Majesty on the present occasion, when her Majesty visits this kingdom without reference to affairs of state, and seeking to be relieved, in some measure, from those cares which her high office so unceasingly imposes upon her. This resolution he hoped would be unanimously approved of. Another by Mr Magill Crichton, to the effect, that an address be presented to her Majesty stating the perilous condition in which the church was placed, and craving her Majesty's consideration of the same. And a third by Dr Buchanan, to the effect, that it was inexpedient to introduce the subject of the church's difficulties in the address.

Dr Makellar, in submitting his motion, said, his reverend father had gently alluded to the differences which unhappily existed among them, and the circumstances of difficulty in which they were placed. But surely this was not the season to bring the subject before her Majesty. He had no wish to dictate, he spoke with all deference; but he must say, with all sincerity and earnestness, that he hoped the Commission would not think of bringing their differences, on the present occasion, prominently before her Majesty. Under these feelings, he would beg to submit the resolution—

Principal Haldane of St Andrews was most unwilling to interrupt his reverend friend, but there was a motion on the table which had been made by him, and it ought to be disposed of before they proceeded to take up any new business. They ought now to hear the draft of the address to be proposed, and he was sure it contained sentiments in which they were all agreed.

Dr Candlish had no objection to the draft of an address being read; but he wished that the resolution indicated by Dr Makellar should be put before the address was agreed to.

Professor Alexander objected to entering into a course which was contrary to the rules of the church-the rule he understood to be, that, if a meeting was called pro re nata, they must keep the object for which they were called, and to that object alone. For himself he could say, that he came here with one object in view; and he would entreat his reverend friend to withdraw his resolution, that they might have the appearance of unanimity. Let it go forth to the world that there were times in which the church could forget her party differences and unite in one object, without the least difference of opinion. Principal Lee thought the business of the meeting was exhausted when they agreed to the address; but it appeared to him that the members of the Conmission laboured under a mistake as to the practice of the court. When Geo. IV. visited Scotland, twenty years ago, a committee was appointed to prepare the draft of an address; and, in accordance with that precedent, he would propose that a committee should now be appointed to prepare the draft of an address, and give it in at a future hour.

Dr Candlish said that would make the matter clear, for then they could give instructions to the Committee so appointed, touching the terms in which the address was to be couched.

Dr Makellar thought this whole discussion had arisen out of a misunderstanding of what he said. He agreed with every word that had been spoken as to the importance of being unanimous. His desire was that there should

be no dispute. After strongly disclaiming any desire to throw down the apple of discord, he read the resolution.

Dr Cook said it was quite impossible that those on his side of the house could go into the preamble, and they would feel themselves obliged, if it were pressed, to protest against it as a violation of the purpose for which the Commission was called together, and as diminishing from that expression of loyalty which they wished to be unanimous.

Mr Dunlop regretted that so strong a view had been taken by the Rev. Doctor, because he was satisfied that those on his side of the house, entertaining a strong feeling of the difficulties in which the church was involved, had gone as far to avoid differences of opinion on this gladdening occasion as they could possibly do; and he believed many persons thought they had already gone too far, and that it was their duty, when the church was placed in so much danger, not to allow her Majesty to arrive in this kingdom, where the present struggle was going on, without calling personally her attention to the position in which that church was placed, whose liberties she had sworn to maintain. But he was satisfied they had done right in refraining from this at present, because her Majesty came not on a visit relating to state affairs, but to seek some recreation from those cares which so constantly pressed on her. At the same time, he did not think they could meet without some allusion, at least in their own records, to the circumstances of difficulty in which they were placed. The church and the country at large would feel that these matters must press upon them at the present crisis, and they owed it to them to make some allusion to the matter. They were all agreed on the necessity of not forcing upon her Majesty at the present time, though he was aware that the opposite party could not agree to the preamble of the resolution proposed by Dr Makellar.

Mr Makgill Crichton agreed with those who objected to the resolution proposed; and if it should be found that he objected to it on entirely different grounds from theirs, they might still congratulate themselves, that, for the first time in their lives, they had come to the same conclusion on church matters. He did not mean to divide the Commission on this subject; but still he must oppose the resolution which Dr Makellar had proposed. He regretted deeply that, on the present momentous occasion, the resolution proposed to the house precluded the church from carrying to the foot of the throne the grievances under which this church and nation laboured. He was aware of the importance of unanimity in carrying the address which they present from the church of Scotland to their beloved sovereign on this interesting occasion. But he thought they would purchase unanimity too dear by abstaining altogether from any notice of their grievances on this interesting and auspicious occasion of their beloved monarch visiting the country of Scot land. He was aware it might be argued that it was unbecoming ou such an occasion as the present to disturb her Majesty, by forcing upon her attention matters of serious and important business, when she came to visit Scotland in peace and in welcome; and, on ordinary occasions, it was well that this rule should be observed. But if there was a crisis which, in the view of his friends, was most momentous, if they considered it full of danger to the liberties of the church and of the people, and to the constitutional rights of the church as settled at the Revolution,-if they considered that the danger was unusual,-that the peril was great, he asked them how they could refrain from carrying a statement of those grievances to the foot of the throne? Observe, the predicament in which they were placed was this:-The claim of right, solemnly agreed upon by a large majority of the General Assembly of the church of Scotland, and sent to her Majesty, so far from obtaining that consideration to which it was entitled, they learned, by a letter from the

Home Secretary to the late Commissioner, that that official considered it a matter of favour that he did not intercept this solemn claim of right from reaching the foot of the throne at all. This English secretary did not hesitate to express, with sneers and contempt, the opinion that he-that this official— would have been justified in intercepting an important national document from reaching the throne. Another case has lately been decided in the House of Lords into which he did not enter; but he did say, that if the principles contained in that decision were to become the law of the land

Professor Alexander rose to order. The hon. gentleman was altogether deviating from the subject in hand. He was proceeding to say that the public did not sympathize with them in these discussions, when

Mr Crichton said-I also rise to order. The Rev. Professor, instead of keeping order, is altogether away from the point of order. I was just proceeding to show reasons against adopting this resolution. A principle has been established, which goes to alter the whole constitution of the Church of Scotland, and to bring the spiritual courts, with all their spiritual functions, into entire subordination to the civil courts. It has been declared and decided by the civil court of last resort, that patronage must be carried out, and that ordination must be completed on patronage, irrespective of the conscientious mind of the church to judge of the settlement of the minister. It is of the last moment, therefore, that we should not neglect the present occasion of endeavouring to make a statement of our grievances to her Majesty. It may be said that we shall diminish the comfort of our sovereign in her present progress through this portion of the kingdom; but will it be forgotten that the good of her subjects lies nearest to the heart of our beloved sovereign? I believe that she is not acquainted with the dangers to which the church is exposed; and that, if she were surrounded with faithful councillors, she would at once set herself to obtain justice for Scotland. The first oath which the sovereign takes when she ascends the throne is, to maintain inviolate the constitution of the church, as established at the Revolution; the oath of the sovereign and the throne of the sovereign are, therefore, involved in this matter; and it is well that we should take every means, extraordinary as well as ordinary, to gain the attention of the sovereign to this most momentous subject. It is on the Revolution Settlement that her Majesty's title to the throne of Scotland rests; and it is, therefore, most important that a resolution should be carried, apprising her Majesty of the gross and palpable violation of the constitution which is made by the ministers of the crown on the one part, and the courts of law on the other. I shall not divide the house on the occasion; but I wish to absolve myself personally from the reproach, that when her Majesty first set foot on Scotch ground, at a time when a question was agitated, involving the very existence of the Established Church of the realm, the safety of her Majesty or the crown upon her head, as well as the happiness of her Majesty's subjects,-when that question became of unceasing and universal danger, yet, forsooth, from a false delicacy of disturbing her Majesty in the midst of her pastimes and her pleasures, the church forbore to lay the true state of the case before her. Our opponents will reproach us, that we do not feel the case so urgent as we profess, or we should have broken through restraints of mere false delicacy, and in the spirit of our fathers, the Knoxes and the Melvilles, we would have carried to the ears of her Majesty the dangers of the church, and the hardships and the difficulties she was suffering. It may be said that we would not gain our object-that access to the throne would be denied. I don't believe that. I don't believe Sir James Graham would dare to take that course. I believe that if the throne were open to the address from the metropolitan magistrates, it would not be closed with respect to the address of the Established Church. If it were even possible that the insolence of office should ascend to such a pitch as this, still it would not be

without its advantage. We should have done our duty, and the responsibility would be cast upon them. However, come what may, I shall have the consolation of thinking that it may be said in times to come, that one humble individual rose at this momentous meeting of the commission, and pressed upon the commission the increasing dangers of their cause, and told them of their duty to themselves, of their duty to the country, aye, and of their duty to the sovereign herself. It may appear intrusive, it may appear that we are bringing an ungracious subject before her Majesty; but it is better for her ere she visit the festive halls, ere she listen to the gong and the pipe, ere she visit the moor and the mountain, the beautiful, the sublime, and the picturesque scenery of our beloved Scotland, she should give a few minutes' consideration to a matter intimately concerning the happiness of her people, or the safety of her crown. There is true wisdom and true kindness shown to our Queen whom we love, and in whose defence we would be acting, in obtruding this subject upon her at this time. The urgency of the times brooks no delay; and our love to the sovereign, as well as our duty to the church, demands that we should bring this matter immediately before her.

Professor Alexander moved that a committee be appointed to draw up the address to her Majesty. If one thing more than another showed the importance of bringing this address to a close, it was the speech they had just heard.

Dr Hill was not without hopes that, notwithstanding all that had been said, the meeting would terminate peaceably. They all professed to have at heart the same thing. Each side must give the other credit for undoubted loyalty, as well as for a firm attachment to their principles; and that being the case, he must entreat Dr Makellar to withdraw his resolution, as he did not see any end that was to be gained by the resolution, which their speeches would not accomplish.

The Procurator had hoped that some modification would have been made in the preamble of Dr Makellar's resolution; but he deeply regretted to hear the amendment which had just been moved. He saw well the reason for which the preamble had been framed, and he saw the difficulty out of which it arose. This was a pro re nata meeting; and it was not competent to bring any other subject before it, except that for which it was called; but gentlemen took the preamble as a means of discussing and resolving upon that which they would not competently discuss and resolve upon in a substantive shape. Now, he was no necessity for this matter being introduced at all. No imputation would be cast upon them if they did not again, at the present time, raise a voice of mourning respecting the difficulties of the church. If they were to go into those difficulties, they might sow differences of opinion, not with regard to certain speeches, but with regard to a certain gentleman. Their duty was said to be watchmen of the church. He knew that; but then, was it the duty of watchmen to be always sounding? He did not think it was their duty to lift up their voices on all occasions. If they thought it necessary to speak out at present, they could summon another meeting of the Commission next week, or next month, and discuss the question. As it was, if it were unconstitutional to discuss the subject by itself, it would be equally unconstitutional to discuss it by a side wind.

Dr Candlish said-I must support Mr Crichton's motion rather than consent to the withdrawal of Dr Makellar's motion. I shall state shortly my reasons for doing so. I trust I may claim credit for not being anxious to introduce the apple of discord; but I cannot shut my eyes to the position which the church at this moment occupies. The commission is now meeting under now and unprecedented difficulties; and if it be not our duty as watchmen to bealways sounding an alarm—if this commission meet without souuding an alarm then undoubtedly the country will be misled-the Government will be misled-the commission will represent the church in a false position, and that de

lusion may be dangerous. Far am I from rejoicing in our divisions; but those divisions exist, and, in the opinion of many, render the continuance of the Established Church extremely doubtful. I am anxious that the points on which we do not unite should be brought in as deliberately as possibly. I say it is essential that they should be brought in; but they should be brought in in the least offensive way, and that all our brethren should concur in a loyal and dutiful address. I do not subscribe to the doctrine that the introduction of this subject is out of order. It demands some explanation, not in speeches merely, but in a recorded resolution, why we feel warranted to abstain from introducing the subject to her Majesty at this time. I think a very satisfactory explanation is given in the motion of Dr Makellar. But are we to be altogether silent when her Majesty visits Scotland, and when the constitution by which her Majesty holds her crown in Scotland is shaken and totters to its fall? Would it not seem to any man, that if we did not tell her Majesty of this, it must be for some reason which we are bound to put upon record? I do not think that I exonerate myself merely by a speech in this Commission. I think we fail in our duty if we do not make some pointed reference to the peculiar predicament in which we are placed, and to the unusual dangers to which we stand exposed. I feel that this motion is necessary to clear our way before we can consent to address her Majesty without reference to our circumstances. I do not wish at present to discuss the Auchterarder judgment. It were better that a little time should elapse before it is considered in the supreme court of the church, or any other court whose decision might seem to give forth the voice of the church. But I say there is but one feeling among all who hold the principles for which the church is contending-for which she will contend -for which we are ready to forfeit the benefits of an Establishment-there is but one feeling among us with regard to the decision in the case of Auchterarder, that, sooner or later, if we are not relieved from it by law, that decision breaks up the Establishment. This announcement I make in all seriousness. In this announcement, my friends on this side of the house concur with the deepest feelings of solemnity, however our opponents may laugh, however Dr Cook may rejoice. I say, that when the announcement is made, even by a single minister, that these principles laid down by the courts of law will make a schism or secession in the church, it is not an announcement which ought to be received by any party with cheers or with laughter.

Mr Cook of Laurencekirk said, the Rev. Doctor had twice used the word cheer. He wished to ask in what way that word was used.

Mr Crichton-It should have been sneer.

Professor Alexander said, if the Rev. Doctor charged them with sneering it was because they did not believe the announcement.

Dr Candlish-Very well then. Our enemies rejoice because they believe that we are not honest men. I insist upon it, Moderator, that they are shut up to this conclusion.

Mr Bisset rose. The Doctor was wrong again. He and his friends did not believe the other party to be dishonest men; but they believed that as they had blundered fifty times already, so they would still go on from blunder to blunder like drowning men that would catch at any thing to save them.

Dr Candlish-I regret having made the statement which has given rise to this interruption, but I repeat, that with the principles to which I stand pledged-principles which, sooner than I would surrender, I would surrender life itself,-I cannot sanction the continuance of the establishment so far as I am concerned, if the terms on which that establishment is to be finally settled by the state are such as the recent judgment implies. I state this in order to show the necessity which lies upon us to take a strong view of the present crisis, and not to allow the Commission to separate without taking some notice of this new calamity which had befallen them, this new feature in