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Athens of the extreme danger he was in. Extraordinary efforts were made to relieve him, and in less than a month's time a fleet of 110 sail were fitted out, on board of which were embarked all that were capable of bearing arms, as well slaves as freemen, with some horse. At Samos they were joined by the allies with 40 gallies, and steered for the Arginusa, islands situate between Cuma and Mitylene. Callicratidas, being informed of their course, left Eteonicus to continue the siege with 50 ships, and put to sea with 120 sail, with design to face the enemy, and prevent their relieying Conon. The right wing of the Athenians was commanded by Protomachus and Thrasylus, who had each 15 gallies. They were supported by a second line with a like number of ships, commanded by Lysias and Aristogenes. J The left wing, like the other, drawn up in two lines, was under Aristocrates and Diomedon, supported by Erasinides and Pericles". The main body, consisting of near 30 gallies, amongst which were the three Athenian admirals, was disposed in one line. They had strengthened each of their wings with a second line; because their gallies where neither so swift, nor so easy to manage, as those of the enemy; so that there was reason to fear their getting between two, and being charged on both sides at the same time. The Lacedæmonians and their allies, who perceived they were inferior in number to the enemy, contented themselves with drawing up in one line, in order to equal their front, and for the greater facility of running between the Athenian gallies, and turning nimbly round them. Callicratidas's pilot, daunted at the inequality, advised him not to hazard the battle, and to retire: but he replied, that he could not fly without shame, and that his death was of small importance to the republic. Sparta," said he, " does not depend upon one man." He commanded the right wing, and Thrasondas the Theban the left.

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It was a grand and awful sight to behold the sea covered with 300 gallies ready to engage. Never had more nume→ rous naval armies of the Greeks fought against each other before. The ability, experience, and valour of the generals who commanded, left nothing to desire; so that there was reason to believe this battle would decide the fate of both people, and put an end to a war that had endured so long. When the signals were given, the two armies raised great shouts, and began the fight. Callicratidas, who from the answer of the augurs expected to fall in the battle, did amazing actions of valour. He attacked the enemy with incredible courage and boldness, sunk some of their ships, disabled others by breaking their oars and piercing their sides with a He was the son of the great Pericles.

the prow or beak of his galley. At length he attacked that of Pericles, and made 1000 holes in it; but the latter having hooked him fast with a grappling iron, he found it impossible to disengage himself, and was surrounded in an instant by several of the Athenian vessels. His own was immediately filled with the enemy, and after a dreadful slaughter, he fell dead, rather overwhelmed by their numbers than vanquished. The right wing which he commanded, having lost its admiral, was put to flight. The left, composed of Bootians and Euboeans, still made a long and vigorous resistance, from the important concern they were in, lest they should fall into the hands of the Athenians, against whom they had revolted; but they were at length obliged to give way, and retire in disorder. The Athenians erected a trophy in the Arginuse. They lost 25 gallies in this battle, and the enemy more than 70, of which number were nine of the 10 furnished by the Lacedæmonians.

a Plutarch equals Callicratidas, the Lacedæmonian general, for his justice, valour, and magnanimity, with all who had ever rendered themselves most worthy of admiration amongst the Greeks.

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He blames him however exceedingly for hazarding the battle at the Arginusa, and observes, that to avoid the reproach of having retired out of fear, he had, through a mistaken sense of honour, failed in the essential duty of his function. For, says Plutarch, if (to use the comparison of Iphicrates) the light armed infantry resemble the hands, the horse the feet, the main body the breast, and the general the head; the general, who abandons himself rashly to the impetuosity of his valour, does not so much neglect or expose his own life, as the lives of those, whose safety depends upon his. Our Lacedæmonian chief was therefore in the wrong, continues Plutarch, to answer the pilot, who advised him to retire, "Sparta does not depend upon one man. "For though it be true, that Callicratidas, fighting under the orders of another by sea or land," was no more than one man," yet, when commanding an army, all that obeyed his orders were collected in his person; and he, in whom so many thousands might be lost, was no longer one man." d Cicero had passed the same judgment upon him before Plutarch. After having said that there were many persons to be found, who

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b Plat in Pelop p. 278.

a Plut. in Lysand. p. 436.

c He was a famous general of the Athenians

d Inventi multi sunt, qui non modo pecuniam; sed vitam etiam, profundere pro patria parati essent, iidem gloria jacturam ne minimam quidem facere veitent. ne republica quidem postulante: ut Callicratidas, qui cum Lacede moniorum dux fuisset Peloponnesiaco bello, multaque fecisset egregie, vertit ad extremum omnia, cum consilio non paruit eorum, qui classem ab Arginusis removendam, nec cum Atheniensibus dimicandum putabant. Quibus ille res pondit, Lacedæmonios classe ila assa, aliam parare posse, se tugere sine suo dedecore non posse. Offic. 1. i. n. 48,

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were ready to sacrifice their fortunes, and even lives, for
their country, but who out of a false delicacy in point of
glory would not hazard their reputation for it in the least; he
cites the example of Callicratidas, who answered those that
advised him to retreat from the Arginusæ, "That Sparta
"could fit out another fleet if this were lost; but, for him-
"self, he could not fly before the enemy without shame and
infamy."

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I return to the sequel of the battle near the Arginusa. The Athenian generals ordered Theramenes, Thrasybulus, and some other officers, to return with about 50 gallies to take up the wrecks and dead bodies, in order to their interment, whilst they sailed on with the rest against Eteonicus, who kept Conon besieged before Mitylene. But a violent tempest came on suddenly, and prevented the execution of this order. Eteonicus having received news of the defeat, and fearing it might occasion alarm and terror amongst the troops, sent back those who brought it, with orders to return with wreaths of flowers upon their heads, and to give out, that Callicratidas had gained the victory, and destroyed the whole Athenian fleet. Upon their return he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving, and having made his troops take some refreshment, he sent the gallies away directly, the wind being fair, and marched off the land-army to Methymna, after having burnt the camp. Conon being delivered in this manner from the blockade, joined the victorious fleet, which returned forthwith to Samos. However, when it was known at Athens, that the dead bodies had been left without interment, the people were highly enraged, and caused the whole weight of their resentment to fall upon those whom they deemed guilty of that crime. The ancients held it a great one not to provide sepulture for the dead; and we may observe, that after all their battles, the first care of the conquered, notwithstanding the sense of their misfortune, and their great affliction for a bloody defeat, was to demand a suspension of arms from the victor, in order to pay the last duties to those who had fallen in battle; upon which they believed their happiness in another life depended. They had little or no idea of the resurrection of the body; but however, the Pagans, by the soul's concern for the body after death, the religious regard paid to it, and the zeal with which they rendered solemn honours to the dead, showed, that they had some confused notion of a resurrection, which subsisted amongst all nations, and descended from the most ancient tradition, though they could not clearly distinguish it.

Hence arose the fury of the people of Athens. They immediately nominated new generals, retaining only Conon of the old ones, to whom they gave Adimantus and Philo

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cles for colleagues. Of the eight others, two had withdrawn themselves, and only six returned to Athens. Theramenes the tenth general, who returned before the rest of the fleet, accused the other chiefs before the people, making them responsible for not bringing off the dead after the battle; and to clear himself, read the letter they had written to the senate and people, wherein they excused themselves from the violence of the storm without charging any body. That calumny was detestably vile, as it was making an unjust use of their reserve in not mentioning him in their letter, and in not laying a fault to his charge, of which he might have appeared the most guilty. The generals, at their return, not being able to prevail in obtaining the time necessary for making their defence, contented themselves with representing in few words the state of the affair, and appealed for the truth of what they said to the pilots, and all present when it happened. The people seemed to receive their excuse favourably, and several persons offered themselves for their sureties; but it was thought proper to adjourn the assembly, because of the night, and it being the people's custom to give their suffrages by lifting up of hands, their resolution could not be known; besides which the council were first to give their opinion upon the question to be proposed to the people.

The feast of Apaturia coming on, in which it was the custom to assemble by families, the relations of Theramenes posted several persons in mourning habits, with their heads shaved, in proper places, who said, they were the kindred of those who had been slain in battle, and obliged Callixenes to accuse the generals in the senate. It was decreed in consequence, that as the accusation and defence had been heard in the last assembly, the people by their respective tribes should give their voices, and if the accused were found guilty, they should be punished with death, their estates confiscated, and the tenth part consecrated to the "goddess. Some senators opposed this decree as unjust, and contrary to the laws: but as the people, at the instigation of Callixenes, threatened to include the opposers in the same cause and crime with the generals, they were so mean as to desist from their opposition, and to sacrifice the innocent generals to their own safety, by consenting to the decree. Socrates (the celebrated philosopher) was the only one of the senators that stood firm, and persisted obstinately in opposing a decree so notoriously unjust, and so contrary to all laws. The orator, who mounted the tribunal in defence of the generals, showed, "That they had failed in no “part of their duty, as they had given orders that the dead

a Minerva.

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"bodies should be taken up: that if any one were guilty, it "was he, who being charged with these orders, had neg"lected to put them in execution; but that he accused no"body; and that the tempest, which came on unexpectedly "at the very instant, was an unanswerable apology, and "entirely discharged the accused from all guilt. He de"manded, that a whole day should be allowed them to "make their defence, a favour not denied to the most cri“minal, and that they should be tried separately. He re"presented, that they were not in the least obliged to precipitate a sentence, wherein the lives of the most illustrious "of the citizens were concerned; that it was in some mea

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sure attacking the gods to make a men responsible for the "winds and weather; and that they could not, without the "most flagrant ingratitude and injustice, put the conquerors "to death, to whom they ought to decree crowns and ho"nours, or give up the defenders of their country to the rage "of those who envied them; and if they did so, their unjust "judgment would be followed with a sudden, but vain repentance, which would leave in their hearts the sharpest remorse, and cover them with eternal shame and infamy." The people seemed at first to be moved with these reasons: but being animated by the accusers, they pronounced sentence of death against the eight generals; and six of them, who were present, were seized in order to their being carried to execution. One of them, Diomedon, a person of great reputation for his valour and probity, demanded to be heard. "Athenians," said he, "I wish the sentence you have pass❝ed upon us may not prove the misfortune of the republic; "but I have one favour to ask of you in behalf of my colleagues and myself, which is, to acquit us before the gods "of the vows we made to them for you and ourselves, as 66 we are not in a condition to discharge them; for it is to "their protection, invoked before the battle, we acknowledge "that we are indebted for the victory gained by us over the 66 enemy." There was not one good citizen, that did not melt into tears at this discourse so full of mildness and religion, and admire with surprise the moderation of a person, who seeing himself unjustly condemned did not however vent the least harsh expression, or even complaint, against his judges, but was solely intent (in favour of an ungrateful country, which had doomed them to perish) upon what it owed the gods in common with them for the victory they had lately obtained.

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The six generals were hardly executed when the people opened their eyes, and perceived all the horror of that sen

a Quem adeo iniquum, ut sceleri assignet, quod venti et fluctus deliquerint: Tacit. Annal. 1. xiv. c. 3.

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