ancient days, the Crown, the Barons, and the Clergy possessed the lands. In those days, the Barons and the Clergy gave and granted to the Crown. They gave and granted what was their own. At present, since the discovery of America, and other circumstances permitting, the Commons are become the proprietors of the land. The Church, (God bless it!) has but a pittance. The property of the Lords, compared with that of the Commons, is as a drop of water in the ocean; and this House represents those Commons, the proprietors of the lands, and those proprietors virtually represent the rest of the inhabitants. When, therefore, in this House we give and grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American tax, what do we do? We, your Majesty's Commons for Great Britain, give and grant to your Majesty, -what? Our own property?-No! We give and grant to your Majesty, the property of your Majesty's Commons of America.-It is an absurdity in

terms.

"The distinction between legislation and taxation is essentially necessary to liberty. The Crown, the Peers, are equally legislative powers with the Commons. If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the Crown and the Peers have rights in taxation as well as yourselves; rights which they claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle can be supported by

power.

"There is an idea in some, that the colonies are virtually represented in this House. I would fain know by whom an American is represented here. Is he represented by any knight of the shire, in any county in this kingdom? Would to God that respectable representation were augmented to a greater number! Or will you tell him that he is represented by any representative of a borough? —a borough which perhaps its own representatives never saw.― This is what is called the rotten part of the constitution. It cannot continue a century. If it does not drop, it must be amputated.* The idea of a virtual representation of America in this House is the most contemptible that ever entered into the head of man: it does not deserve a serious refutation.

"The Commoners of America, represented in their several assemblies, have ever been in possession of the exercise of this their constitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it. At the same time this kingdom, as the supreme governing and legislative power, has always bound the colonies by her laws, by her regulations and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures-in

A few years afterwards, Lord Chatham reproduced this image, but with a change in his opinion. In his speech, Jan. 22, 1770, he says: "The boroughs of this country have properly enough been called the rotten parts of the constitution, and, without entering into any invidious particularity, I have seen enough to justify the appellation. But, in my judgment, my Lords, these boroughs, corrupt as they are, must be considered as the natural infirmity of the constitution. Like the infirmities of the body, we must bear them with patience, and submit to carry them about with us. The limb is mortified, but the amputation might be death."

every thing except that of taking their money out of their pockets without

Quam ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum.'

Mr. Pitt concluded with a familiar voice and tone, but so low that it was not easy to distinguish what he said. A considerable pause ensued after Mr. Pitt had done speaking.

Mr. Conway at length rose. He said, "he had been waiting to see whether any answer would be given to what had been advanced by the Right Honourable Gentleman, reserving himself for the reply: but as none had been given, he had only to declare, that his own sentiments were entirely conformable to those of the right honourable gentleman.-That they are so conformable, he said, is a circumstance that affects me with the most sensible pleasure, and confers upon me the greatest honour. But two things fell from that gentleman which give me pain, as whatever falls from that gentleman, falls from so great a height as to make a deep impression. I must endeavour to remove it.-It was objected, that the notice given to Parliament of the troubles in America was not early. I can assure the House, the first accounts were too vague and imperfect to be worth the notice of Parliament. It is only of late that they have been precise and full. An overruling influence has also been hinted at. I see nothing of it-I feel nothing of it-I disclaim it for myself, and, (as far as my discernment can reach,) for all the rest of his Majesty's Ministers."

Mr. Pitt said, in answer to Mr. Conway, "The excuse is a valid one, if it is a just one. That must appear from the papers now before the House." Mr. Grenville next stood up. "He began with censuring the Ministry very severely for delaying to give earlier notice to Parliament of the distur bances in America. He said, they began in July, and now we are in the middle of January: lately they were only occurrences, they are now grown to disturbances, to tumults and riots. I doubt they border on open rebellion; and, if the doctrines I have heard this day be confirmed, I fear they will lose that name, to take that of revolution. The government over them being dissolved, a revolution will take place in America. I cannot understand the difference between external and internal taxes. They are the same in effect, and differ only in name. That this kingdom has the sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America, is granted. It cannot be denied ; and taxation is a part of that sovereign power. It is one branch of the legislation. It is, it has been, exercised over those who are not, who never were represented. It is exercised over the East India Company, the merchants of London, the proprietors of the stocks, and over many great manufacturing towns. It was exercised over the Palatinate of Chester, and the Bishopric of Durham, before they sent any representatives to Parliament. I appeal, for proof, to the preambles of the acts which gave them representatives; the one in the reign of Henry the Eighth, the other in that of Charles the

Second."* Mr. Grenville then quoted the acts, and desired that they might be read which being done, he continued: "When I proposed to tax America, I asked the House if any gentleman would object to the right; I repeatedly asked it, and no man would attempt to deny it. Protection and obedience are reciprocal. Great Britain protects America; America is bound to yield obedience. If not, tell me when the Americans were emancipated? When they want the protection of this kingdom, they are always very ready to ask it. That protection has always been afforded to them in the most full and ample manner. The nation has run itself into an immense debt to give them its protection; and, now they are called upon to contribute a small share towards the public expense, an expense arising from themselves, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and break out, I might almost say, into open rebellion. The seditious spirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in this House. Gentlemen are careless of the consequences of what they say, provided it answers the purposes of opposition. We were told we trod on tender ground; we were bid to expect disobedience. What was this but telling the Americans to stand out against the law, to encourage their obstinacy with the expectation of support from hence? Let us only hold out a little, they would say, our friends will soon be in power. grateful people of America! Bounties have been extended to them. I had the honour of serving the Crown, while you yourselves were loaded with an enormous debt, you gave bounties on their lumber, on their iron, their hemp, and many other articles. You have relaxed, in their favour, the Act of Navigation, that palladium of British commerce; and yet I have been abused in all the public papers as an enemy to the trade of America! I have been particularly charged with giving orders and instructions to prevent the Spanish trade, and thereby stopping the channel by which alone North America used to be supplied with cash for remittances to this country! I defy any man to produce any such orders or instructions. I discouraged no trade but what was illicit, what was prohibited by Act of Parliament. I desire that a West India merchant, well known in the city, (Mr. Long,) a gentleman of character, may be examined. He will tell you that I offered to do every thing in my power to advance the trade of America. I was above giving an answer to anonymous calumnies; but in this place it becomes me to wipe off the aspersion."

Un

When

Here Mr. Grenville ceased. Several Members then rose to speak, amongst whom was the illustrious commoner; the House was then so clamorous for Mr. Pitt, Mr. Pitt, that the Speaker was obliged to call to order.

After some degree of order was enforced, Mr. Pitt began with informing the House, "that he did not mean to have gone any further into the subject that day; he had only designed to throw out a few hints, which gentlemen, who were so confident of the right of this kingdom to send taxes to America,

* Four representatives were given to the county and city of Chester, by 34 Henry VIII. cap. 13; and four to the county and city of Durham, by 25 Car. II. c. 9.

might consider; they might then, perhaps, in a cooler moment, find that the right was, at least, equivocal. But since the gentleman who spoke last had not stopped on that ground, but had gone into the whole; into the justice, the equity, the policy, the expediency of the Stamp Act, as well as into the right, he would follow him through the whole field, and combat his arguments on every point."

He was going on, when Lord Strange rose, and called both gentlemen, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Grenville, to order. He said, "they had both departed from the matter before the House, which was the King's speech; and that Mr. Pitt was going to speak twiee in the same debate, although the House was not in a committee."

Mr. George Onslow* answered, "that they were both in order, as nothing had been said but what was fairly deducible from the King's speech;" and appealed to the Speaker. The Speaker decided in Mr. Onslow's favour.

Mr. Pitt said, "I do not apprehend that I am speaking twice: I did expressly reserve a part of my subject, in order to save the time of this House, but I am compelled to proceed in it. I do not speak twice; I only finish what I designedly left imperfect. But if the House is of a different opinion, far be it from me to indulge a wish of transgression against order. I am content, if it be your pleasure, to be silent."-Here he paused.—The House resounding with "Go on," "go on," he proceeded :

"Gentlemen, Sir, (to the Speaker,) have been charged with giving birth to sedition in America. Several have spoken their sentiments with freedom against this unhappy act, and that freedom has become their crime. Sorry I am to hear the liberty of speech in this House imputed as a crime. But the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a liberty I mean to exercise. No gentlemen ought to be afraid to exercise it. It is a liberty by which the gentleman who calumniates it might have profited. He ought to have profited. He ought to have desisted from his project. The gentleman tells us, America is obstinate; America is almost in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to let themselves be made slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I come not here armed at all points with law cases and acts of Parliament, with the statute-book doubled down in dogs' ears, to defend the cause of liberty: if I had, I myself would have cited the two cases of Chester and Durham. I would have cited them to show that, even under arbitrary reigns, Parliaments were ashamed of taxing a people, without their consent, and allowed them representatives. Why did the gentleman confine himself to Chester and Durham? he might have taken a higher example in Wales; Wales, that never was taxed by Parliament until it was incorporated. I would not debate a particular point of law with the gentleman: I know his abilities. I have been obliged to his diligent researches. But, for the defence of liberty, upon a general principle,

* Afterwards Lord Onslow.

upon a constitutional principle, it is a ground on which I stand firm; on which I dare meet any man. The gentleman tells us of many who are taxed, and are not represented the India Company, merchants, stockholders, manufacturers. Surely many of these are represented, in other capacities, as owners of land, or as freemen of boroughs. It is a misfortune that more are not actually represented. But they are all inhabitants of this kingdom, and as such, are they not virtually represented? Many have it in their option to be actually represented. They have connexions with those that elect, and they have influence over them. The gentleman mentioned the stockholders: I hope he does not reckon the debts of the nation as a part of the national estate. Since the accession of King William, many Ministers, some of great, others of moderate abilities, have taken the lead of Government."

He then went through the list of them, bringing it down till he came to himself, giving a short sketch of the characters of each of them. None of these," he said, "thought, or even dreamed, of robbing the colonies of their constitutional rights. That was reserved to mark the era of the late administration: not that there were wanting some, when I had the honour to serve his Majesty, to propose to me to burn my fingers with an American Stamp Act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in the day of their distress, perhaps the Americans would have submitted to the imposition; but it would have been taking an ungenerous and unjust advantage. The gentleman boasts of his bounties to America! Are not those bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. I am no courtier of America-I stand up for this kingdom. I maintain that the Parliament has a right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power over the colonies is sovereign and supreme. When it ceases to be sovereign and supreme, I would advise every gentleman to sell his land, if he can, and embark for that country. When two countries are connected, like England and her colonies, without being incorporated, the one must necessarily govern; the greater must rule the less; but so rule it, as not to contradict the fundamental principles that are common to both.

"If the gentleman does not understand the difference between internal and external taxes, I cannot help it; but there is a plain distinction between taxes levied for the purposes of raising a revenue, and duties imposed for the regulation of trade, for the accommodation of the subject; although in the consequences, some revenue might incidentally arise from the latter.

"The gentleman asks, When were the colonies emancipated? I desire to know when they were made slaves? But I dwell not upon words. When I had the honour of serving his Majesty, I availed myself of the means of information which I derived from my office: I speak, therefore, from knowledge. My materials were good; I was at pains to collect, to digest, to consider them; and I will be bold to affirm, that the profits of Great Britain from the trade of the colonies, through all its branches, are two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the