In the session of the same year, Mr. Pitt resisted, though ineffectually, the measure for extending the excise laws to the manufacture and sale of cider; and, in the ensuing session, he took a conspicuous part in supporting, against Ministers, the resolution which had been proposed, condemning the legality of general warrants.

Since Mr. Pitt's resignation in the autumn of 1761, overtures had been made to him on several occasions, with a view to procure his return to power, but without avail. On the retirement of the Marquis of Rockingham, however, having received his Majesty's personal commands to form an administration on his own terms, he undertook the task; and, after considerable difficulty, succeeded in framing that Ministry which Burke some years afterwards so happily described as "such a piece of diversified Mosaic; such a tesselated pavement without cement; here a bit of black stone, and there a bit of white; patriots and courtiers, King's friends and republicans; Whigs and Tories; treacherous friends and open enemies; that it was indeed a very curious show; but utterly unsafe to touch and unsure to stand on.”* His health preventing his taking an active part in the business of the House of Commons, Mr. Pitt, although retaining the lead in the cabinet, selected for himself the office of Lord Privy Seal, which necessarily occasioned his elevation to the peerage; and on the 30th of July 1766, he was created Viscount Pitt, of Burton Pynsent, in the county of Somerset, and Earl of Chatham, in Kent. But scarcely had Lord Chatham completed his ministerial arrangements, when he was seized with a distressing illness, which settled on his nerves, and rendered him incapable of attending to any business, or even (with one or two exceptionst) of seeing, or holding the least communication with his colleagues. Mr. Charles Townshend now took the lead in the cabinet; and, in the year 1767, reproduced the fatal scheme of taxing America, by imposing duties on glass, paper, pasteboard, white and red lead, painters' colours, and tea, payable on their importation from Great Britain into the colonies. Unfortunately, Lord Chatham, by continuing to retain his position in the cabinet, must be held, in some degree at least, responsible for this measure, which immediately “broke in upon that mutual peace and harmony which then so happily subsisted between the colonies and the mother country," and led to that very result, the dismemberment of the empire, against which we shall find him raising his last voice in the House of Lords with all the energy of his eloquence, and as it were falling in the struggle. Finding that his health still prevented his attending to public affairs, he tendered his resignation through Lord Camden on the 15th of October, 1768; having, as it must in justice be said, some months pre

• Speech on American taxation. Vide post, p. 520.

+ These exceptions, however, are sufficient to prove the falsehood of the stories that were put abroad of his Lordship's insanity. It may be added that when his malady was at its height, he wrote in his own handwriting to the King. See Chatham Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 262, et seq.

Vide post, p. 131.

viously expressed a wish to give up his office, but retaining it upon the solicitations of his Majesty and his colleagues, who well knew the importance even of his name to the Government. For some time after his resignation he continued to live in retirement, and abstained from taking any part in the business of Parliament; but his health being in a measure restored, he again, at the commencement of the year 1770, appeared in his place in the House of Lords, and condemned the proceedings of the Commons relative to Mr. Wilkes's expulsion, and the subsequent elections for Middlesex. During the contest with America, Lord Chatham exerted himself against the measures pursued by Ministers for its subjection with a vigour of talent and brilliancy of genius equal to his best days; and brought forward, unsuccessfully, proposals for arranging the differences with the colonists. His last appearance in the House of Lords took place on the 7th of April, 1778, when the Duke of Richmond moved an address to the Throne, setting forth the losses, expenses, and improper management of the war, and advising his Majesty instantly to withdraw his fleets and armies from the revolted provinces, to dismiss his Ministers, and to effect a conciliation with the colonies. The Duke of Richmond had previously communicated a draft of the motion to Lord Chatham, who, perceiving that it acknowledged indirectly the principle of American independence, which he regarded as the prelude to the degradation and ruin of his country, apprised his Grace that "it was an unspeakable concern to him to find so very wide a difference between them on the subject of the sovereignty or allegiance of America, and that he despaired of bringing about successfully any honourable issue. He was still ill, but he hoped to be in Town to-morrow.t" Accordingly, on that morrow he came to Town, and having arrived at Westminster, remained in the Lord Chancellor's private room until he learned that Parliamentary business was about to begin. He was then led into the House of Peers by two friends. He was dressed in a rich suit of black velvet, and covered up to the knees in flannel. Within his large wig, little more of his countenance was to be seen than his aquiline nose and his penetrating eye, which retained all its native fire. He looked like a dying man; yet never was seen a figure of more dignity: he appeared like a being of a superior species. The Lords stood up, and made a lane for him to pass to his seat, whilst, with a gracefulness of deportment for which he was so eminently distinguished, he bowed to them as he proceeded. Having taken his seat on the bench of the Earls he listened to the speech of the Duke of Richmond with the most profound attention.

After Lord Weymouth had spoken against the address, Lord Chatham rose from his seat slowly and with difficulty, leaning on his crutches, and supported by his two friends. Taking one hand from his crutch, he raised it, and, casting his eyes towards Heaven, said, "I thank God that I have been * In January, 1768. See Chatham Correspondence, vol. iii. p. 310, et seq. + Chatham Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 518.

enabled to come here this day to perform my duty, and to speak on a subject which has so deeply impressed my mind. I am old and infirm-have one foot, more than one foot, in the grave-I have risen from my bed to stand up in the cause of my country-perhaps never again to speak in this House!" The reverence-the attention-the stillness of the House was most affecting; if any one had dropped a handkerchief the noise would have been heard. At first Lord Chatham spoke in a very low and feeble tone; but as he grew warm, his voice rose, and became as harmonious as ever; oratorical and affecting, perhaps more than at any former period, both from his own situation, and from the importance of the subject on which he spoke. He gave the whole history of the American war; of all the measures to which he had objected; and all the evil consequences which he had foretold; adding at the end of each period, "And so it proved."

In one part of his speech he ridiculed the apprehension of an invasion, and then recalled the remembrance of former invasions-" A Spanish invasion, a French invasion, a Dutch invasion, many noble Lords must have read of in history; and some Lords (looking keenly at one who sat near him), may remember a Scotch invasion."*

"My Lords," continued he, "I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me; that I am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient and most noble monarchy! Pressed down as I am by the hand of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country in this most perilous conjuncture; but, my Lords, while I have sense and memory, I will never consent to deprive the royal offspring of the House of Brunswick, the heirs of the Princess Sophia, of their fairest inheritance. Where is the man that will dare to advise such a measure? My Lords, his Majesty succeeded to an empire as great in extent as its reputation was unsullied. Shall we tarnish the lustre of this nation by an ignominious surrender of its rights and fairest possessions? Shall this great kingdom, that has survived, whole and entire, the Danish depredations, the Scottish inroads, and the Norman conquest; that has stood the threatened invasion of the Spanish Armada, now fall prostrate before the House of Bourbon? Surely, my Lords, this nation is no longer what it was! Shall a people, that seventeen years ago was the terror of the world, now stoop so low as to tell its ancient inveterate enemy, take all we have, only give us peace? It is impossible!

"I wage war with no man, or set of men. I wish for none of their employments; nor would I co-operate with men who still persist in unretracted error; or who, instead of acting on a firm decisive line of conduct, halt between two opinions, where there is no middle path. In God's name, if it is absolutely necessary to declare either for peace or war, and the former cannot be preserved with honour, why is not the latter commenced without hesitation? I am not, I confess, well informed of the resources of this kingdom; but I trust it has still sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know

Seward's Anecdotes-Lord Chatham, vol. ii. p. 383, et seq. See also Thackeray's Hist, of the Earl of Chatham, vol. ii. p. 376, et seq.

them not. My Lords, any state is better than despair. Let us at least make one effort; and if we must fall, let us fall like men!"

When his Lordship sat down, Earl Temple said to him, "You forgot to mention what we talked of-Shall I get up?" Lord Chatham replied, "No, I will do it by and by."

no;

The Duke of Richmond then replied; and it is said that in the course of his speech, Lord Chatham gave frequent indications of emotion and displeasure. When his Grace had concluded, Lord Chatham, anxious to answer him, made several attempts to stand, but his strength failed him, and pressing his hand to his heart, he fell backwards in convulsions. The House was immediately thrown into a state of the greatest agitation, and an adjournment was at once moved and carried. Lord Chatham was first taken to the house of Mr. Sargent, in Downing-street; and when he had in some measure recovered, he was removed to his own residence at Hayes ; where, after lingering for a few days, he expired on the 11th of May, in the seventieth year of his age. On the evening of his death, the House of Commons, on the motion of Colonel Barré, voted him a funeral and a monument in Westminster Abbey at the public expense. A few days afterwards, an annuity of £4,000 was settled upon the heirs of the Earl of Chatham, to whom the title should descend; and a public grant of £20,000 was made for the payment of his debts.

Such is an outline of the public career of the great man, whose renown for eloquence stands foremost amongst the orators of this country. But the private life of Lord Chatham was no less amiable and exemplary than his public life was illustrious. His letters to his nephew show that he felt ardently the force of moral and religious duty, and that he united the finer feelings and nicer principles of the mind with its stronger passions and grander powers. To his family he was simple, kindly, and affectionate; and amidst the intrigues of Courts, and the excitement of the Senate, he still felt inclination and found leisure to take part in the education of his children. "When his health would permit," says Bishop Tomline, "he never suffered a day to pass without giving instruction of some sort to his children; and seldom without reading a chapter of the Bible with them." Possessing powers of conversation which were to be excelled only by his public eloquence, he was one of the most delightful of companions. But admirably as he discharged the relations of domestic life, and delightful as he was as a companion, no sooner did he appear in his public capacity, than he assumed a proud and imperious spirit, which rendered him extremely impatient of resistance to his will, and impracticable in no ordinary degree as a colleague. By his wife, who survived him until the year 1803, he had five children; three sons and two daughters. His second son was the celebrated William Pitt.

* Vide 18 Geo. III. c. lxv.

SPEECHES OF THE EARL OF CHATHAM.

MOTION FOR AN ADDRESS ON THE MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.

1736. April 29. The marriage of Frederick, Prince of Wales, with Augusta, Princess of Saxe Gotha, was solemnized on the 27th of April, 1736; and on the 29th of that month, Mr. Pulteney moved an address of congratulation to the Throne. Upon this occasion Mr. Pitt made his first speech in the House of Commons, and delivered himself to the following effect:

"I am unable, Sir, to offer anything suitable to the dignity and importance of the subject, which has not already been said by my honourable friend who made the motion. But I am so affected with the prospect of the blessings to be derived by my country from this most desirable, this long desired, measure-the marriage of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, that I cannot forbear troubling the House with a few words expressive of my joy. I cannot help mingling my offering, inconsiderable as it is, with this oblation of thanks and congratulation to his Majesty.

"However great, Sir, the joy of the public may be- and great undoubtedly it is—in receiving this benefit from his Majesty, it must yet be inferior to that high satisfaction which he himself enjoys in bestowing it. If I may be allowed to suppose that anything in a royal mind can transcend the pleasure of gratifying the earnest wishes of a loyal people, it can only be the tender, paternal delight of indulging the most dutiful application, the most humble request, of a submissive and obedient son. I mention, Sir, his Royal Highness's having asked a marriage, because something is in justice due to him for having asked what we are so strongly bound, by all the ties of duty and gratitude, to return his Majesty our humble acknowledgments for having granted.

"The marriage of a Prince of Wales, Sir, has at all times been a matter of the highest importance to the public welfare, to present and to future generations. But at no time (if a character at once amiable and respectable can embellish, and even dignify, the elevated rank of a Prince of Wales) has it been a more important, a dearer, consideration than at this day.

VOL. I.

B