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guished. France has commenced a similar course. A sudden change from despotism to perfect freedom, was tried, and failed. The result was a retrograde movement to a despotism almost worse than the former. Then commenced a more silent, gradual, and certain progress in the establishment of the charter, in the exercise of the rights which that charter recognised, and at length, as in England, in the solemn deposition of the unworthy reigning family, and the choice of another, whose right to govern should be founded on the public interest and the public will.

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With so much of the history of mankind before us, and other illustrations might be furnished, can we doubt the truth of the principle, that improvement to be lasting, must be gradual? Can we doubt it, when we reflect on the nature of society, as made up of individuals? Though some leading minds may go centuries before their age, they are bright exceptions to human nature in general. We cannot with any certainty speculate far on the effect of institutions which we have not seen; and if we place ourselves under such institutions, since we know nothing of them from previous experience, we do not trust them; even if they operate moderately well, which is scarce to be expected, their faults attract more notice than their excellencies, and we desire to go back to the good old way, as we fancy it, with the conveniences as well as the evils of which we are familiar. Thus it is with the majority of men. The experiment of a thorough and immediate revolution is too great for them. They could see one new wheel at a time put into the social machine, and watch its operation with interest and with calmness; but when the whole fabric is torn in pieces, and new and unknown powers are introduced in its place, they are dazzled, bewildered, rendered incapable of calm judgment, and if the new machine for a moment works wrong, they hasten in terror, to rear again the fragments of that which has been destroyed, preferring it, with all its faults, to that which has occupied its place.

In the American Revolution, the fabric of social order in this country received very little change. The institutions of the respective States experienced scarce any alteration, and the general government, being constituted on the well known model of the provincial assemblies, appeared from the very moment of its establishment a familiar thing. In the French Revolution all was different. The nation knew nothing of directories or asVOL. XXVI. - 3D S. VOL. VIII. NO. III. 39

semblies, understood them not, and had no confidence in them. One thing they did understand. That was despotism, and they went back to that as soon as possible.

The social system, then, is indefinitely improvable; but its improvement must be gradual in order to be permanent. The evils that exist in the social system are to be viewed with reference to these principles. Imperfect forms of social order are to be regarded, not as absolute evils, but as relative. Limited monarchy is better than despotism; it is not so good, we believe, as republican government. A state of war is far worse than one of peace and comfort; but many think it preferable to a state of oppression; and the more so, because war is in its nature temporary, while unresisted oppression perpetuates itself. Thus too, slavery, as it exists in the United States, is a relative evil. It is far better than slavery as it has existed elsewhere; for instance, among the Romans, whose slaves might, at the will of the master, be obliged to murder or be murdered as gladiators in the circus; it is bad in comparison with the form of domestic servitude which exists in the large cities of the north. And it may be found a century hence, that this domestic servitude is also relatively bad. Nay, it has been so decided throughout the interior of New England, for there the "help," who takes her seat with the family at the board which she has but assisted in preparing, is a very different person from the domestic of the city.

Christianity is in harmony with nature and reason, on this as on every subject. The Savior and his Apostles touch not the subject of slavery, except in enforcing the great duties of justice and benevolence towards all, and in pointing out the relative obligations of master and slave, under the existing state of things. But these precepts, and the general spirit of Christianity, first rendered the treatment of those in bondage more lenient, and afterwards gradually abolished the system throughout southern and western Europe. Such, we trust, will be the result of Christian feelings and principles, brought to bear upon this subject, in our own land.

How then may the slave system be ameliorated, and what hope is there of its ultimate removal, to give place to a better order of society? To answer these questions intelligently, we must examine the nature and extent of the evils we wish to remedy. What then is slavery in the United States?

Among the inhabitants of our country, there exist three mil

lions, or upwards, of a different race from the rest, and bearing the marks of distinction most obviously and indelibly. Of these, about two hundred and fifty thousand are, at least, nominally free. The great mass, however, forming the chief laboring population of the south, are under the authority of white masters, and are regarded by the laws of their respective states in a mixed character. The law extends to them protection in life and limb against their owners, as against others; but it sanctions their transfer from one to another master, by the forms of sale, gift, or bequest, and in so far regards them as property. To secure for them humane treatment, some regulations have been made by the legislatures of certain states, -as for instance, those establishing a minimum allowance of food. We have seen such a law extracted from the statute book, and held up to view, apparently to produce the impression that this minimum allowance was all that the slaves usually received! Generally speaking, however, the law in the Southern States interferes but little between the parties. Theirs is regarded as a domestic relation, and the servant is considered as better protected by the united interest and good feelings of his owner, than he could be by numerous laws, which must either be inoperative, or enforced through an odious system of domestic espionage.

As to the working of this system, the account, we are about to give, is derived from a long residence in the remoter Southern States. We shall present the result of our own experience and inquiries; and if they agree not in any respect with those of others, the candid reader will prefer that statement which seems most consistent with the common principles of human nature.

Our decided impression then is, that the slaves are, generally speaking, treated well in regard to food, discipline and attention to their outward comfort. They are not overworked; they have a sufficiency of wholesome food. The punishments inflicted on them, or rather on the indolent and disorderly among them, are neither of frequent occurrence, nor of extreme severity; and not being accompanied with any feeling of deep disgrace, produce no permanent suffering. In the transfer of a slave by sale, or in letting out his services by the year, the servant is frequently allowed to find a master for himself, and most owners would scruple to place a domestic under the care of one to whom the individual expressed a decided objection. It is the impression at the South alike among all classes, that persons from the North are less kind as owners, than those

brought up from childhood among the Southern community. If it be so, the fact can readily be explained, without supposing any difference in natural good feeling between the citizens of these two sections. It is certain that there exists at the South very little of that personal prejudice against the colored race, which in New England is terror in the child, and loathing in the adult.

We have spoken of the general good treatment of the slaves, would that we could assert it to be without exception. But where the control of the master is so unlimited, it is evident that abuse of power is possible, and from what scripture and reason teach us of human nature, instead of wondering that power is sometimes exercised amiss among slave-owners, there is cause, great cause, why we should wonder that this abuse is not far more common.

That it is possible, is one chief evil of the system. Nor is it of much avail to say in its defence, that, though no law can reach the offenders, they are punished by public opinion. Public opinion is too often swayed in its judgment, or at least prevented from expressing itself effectually, by the wealth or station of the offender; and there are many in every community, who are thoroughly hardened against its influence.

In speaking of the abuses which the slave system permits, we refer not chiefly to such atrocious instances as brave the vengeance of the law. We have in view rather the permission, the possibility of harsh treatment, not affecting the life, but very materially interfering with the happiness of the individual. Such is certainly sometimes to be met with, and though the community around may be acquainted with the facts, and indignant at them, yet the case must be extreme which would be thought to justify interference. It is true that instances of cruelty are occasionally heard of in the Northern States, on the part of masters towards apprentices, and teachers towards pupils; but the apprentice or the pupil has a protector in his parent or guardian. The master himself is at the South regarded as the protector of his slave. If he abuse his trust, the task of restraining him is too much divided among those around, for any one to feel much responsibleness in the matter.

But there may be a worse abuse than that of cruelty. It is a horrible thought, that throughout a large portion of our country, a crime, which elsewhere would bring its perpetrator to the gallows, is virtually legalized, by the absence of any efficient

restraint upon the will of the master. We believe the crime referred to is of exceedingly rare occurrence, -but it is so, because rendered superfluous by the moral degradation of the slaves:

"For seldom monarchs sigh in vain.”

The separation of families at the will of their owners is an evil of no uncommon occurrence in the Southern States. And it is an evil which, in our view, would probably before long, be corrected, but for the misdirected, though well-meant, efforts of the immediate abolitionists. This evil is not a necessary part of the slave system, any more than the absolute control of the Roman master over the life of his bondsman. That odious feature has been removed by Christianity; and in our opinion, the principles of Christianity exist in the South in sufficient strength to remove the other evil, if appealed to in a proper manner. But the abolitionists have attempted too much. They strive to change the fundamental institutions of society in the South at once. The Southern people knowing that this is impossible, and if possible, would be ruinous, place themselves in the attitude of conservatism. They will not give up one point, because they are summoned in no gentle terms to give up all. But let the evil, the horrible evil of this one practice be even yet presented before them in a fitting manner, and we have faith enough in human nature to believe that it will not long be permitted, either by the laws, or the moral sense of the Southern community.

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The evil we refer to is, not that a youth of sufficient age to dispense with the immediate care of his parents, may be separated from them, for this might be the case, whether he were bond or free; it is not that families may be compelled to move together, to follow their masters, they know not whither; for though there may be suffering caused by this, the will of the master is not more despotic than the circumstances which often compel families in higher stations to emigrate to some distant part of the land; but it is that man interferes to put asunder those whom God has joined together, the husband and the wife, and that in so doing he violates the law of nature, and that of Christianity. It is in vain to reply to this that no valid marriage can exist between slaves. The laws of the white man do not recognise any such marriage indeed, that is, they give no sanction, no protection to the tie, and this is the very

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