more numerous army, but to purchafe peace by an abandon of all his conquefts, upon which he had lavished much blood and treasure (a). France at that period contained several millions capable of bearing arms; and yet was not in a condition to make head against a difciplined army of 70,000 men. Poland, which continues upon the ancient military establishment, wearied out Charles XII. of Sweden; and had done the fame to feveral of his predeceffors. But Saxony, defended only by a ftanding army, could not hold out a fingle day against a prince now mentioned, at the head of a greater army. Mercenary troops are a defence ftill more feeble, against troops that fight for glory, or for their country. Unhappy was the invention of a standing army; which, without being any ftrong bulwark against enemies, is a grievous burden on the people; and turns daily more and more fo. Liften to a firft rate author on that point. "Sitot qu'un état augmente ce qu'il ap"pelle fes troupes, les autres augmentent les "leurs; de façon qu'on ne gagne rien par-là

que la ruine commune. Chaque monarque ti"ent fur pied toutes les armées qu'il pourroit a"voir fi fes peuples étoient en danger d'être ex"terminées; et on nomme paix cet état d'effort "de tous contre tous. Nous fommes pauvres avec les richeffes et le commerce de tout l'univers; et bientôt à force d'avoir des foldats, nous "n'aurons plus que des foldats, et nous ferons "comme de Tartares* (b)"

(a) Treaty of St. Gertrudenberg.

But

"As foon as one state augments the number of its troops, the neighbouring states of course do the fame; so that nothing is gained, and the effect "is the general ruin. Every prince keeps as many armies in pay, as if he "dreaded the extermination of his people from a foreign invasion; and this perpetual struggle, maintained by all against all, is termed peace. With the "riches and commerce of the whole universe, we are in a state of poverty; and by thus continually augmenting our troops, we fhall foon "have none elfe but foldiers, and be reduced to the fame fituation as the "Tartars."

(b) L'efprit des loix, liv, 13. chap. 17.

But with respect to Britain, and every free nation, there is an objection still more formidable; which is, that a ftanding army is dangerous to liberty. It avails very little to be fecure against foreign enemies, fuppofing a standing army to afford fecurity, if we have no fecurity against an enemy at home. If a warlike king, heading his own troops, be ambitious to render himself abfolute, there are no means to evade the impending blow; for what avail the greatest number of effeminate cowards against a disciplined army, devoted to their prince, and ready implicitly to execute his commands? In a word, by relying entirely on a standing army, and by trufting the fword in the hands of men who abhor the reftraints of civil law, a folid foundation is laid for mi, litary government. Thus a ftanding army is dangerous to liberty, and yet no fufficient bulwark against powerful neighbours.

Deeply fenfible of the foregoing objections, Harrington proposes a militia as a remedy. Every malc between eighteen and thirty, is to be trained to military exercifes, by frequent meetings, where the youth are excited by premiums to contend in running, wrestling, fhooting at a mark, &c. &c. But Harrington did not advert, that fuch meetings, enflaming the military fpirit, must create an averfion in the people to dull and fatiguing labour. His plan evidently is inconfiftent with industry and manufactures: it would be fo at least in Britain. An unexceptionable plan it would be, were defence our fole object; and not the lefs fo by reducing Britain to fuch poverty as fcarce to be a tempting conqueft. Our late war with France is a confpicuous inftance of the power of a commercial ftate, entire in its credit; a power that ainazed all the world, and ourselves no less than others. Politicians begin to confider Britain, and not France, to be the formidable power that threatens univerfal monarchy. Had Harrington's

plan

plan been adopted, Britain must have been reduced to a level with Sweden or Denmark, having no ambition but to draw fubfidies from its more potent neighbours.

In Switzerland, it is true, boys are, from the age of twelve, exercifed in running, wrestling, and fhooting. Every male who can bear arms is regimented, and fubjected to military difcipline.Here is a militia in perfection upon Harrington's plan, a militia neither forced nor mercenary; invincible when fighting for their country. And as the Swifs are not an idle people, we learn from this inftance, that the martial fpirit is not an invincible obstruction to industry. But the original barrenness of Switzerland, compelled the inhabitants to be fober and industrious: and industry hath among them become a fecond nature; there fcarcely being a child above fix years of age but who is employed, not excepting children of opulent families. England differs widely in the nature of its foil, and of its people. But there is little occafion to infift upon that difference; as Switzerland affords no clear evidence, that a fpirit of industry is perfectly compatible with a militia: the Swifs, it is true, may be termed induftrious; but their induftry is confined to neceffaries and conveniencies: they are lefs ambitious of wealth than of military glory; and they have few arts or manufactures, either to fupport foreign commerce, or to excite luxury...

J

Fletcher of Salton's plan of a militia, differs little from that of Harrington. Three camps are to be constantly kept up in England, and a fourth in Scotland; into one or other of which, every man. must enter upon completing his one and twentieth year. In these camps, the art of war is to be acquired and practifed: those who can maintain themselves must continue there two years, others but a fingle year. Secondly, Those who have

been

been thus educated, fhall for ever after have fifty yearly meetings, and fhall exercife four hours eve, ry meeting. It is not faid, by what means young men are compelled to refort to the camp; nor is any exception mentioned of perfons deftined for the church, for liberal fciences, or for the fine arts. The weak and the fickly must be exempted, and yet no regulation is propofed against those who abfent themselves on a falfe pretext. But waving these, the capital objection against Harrington's plan ftrikes equally against Fletcher's, That by roufing a military fpirit, it would alienate the minds of our people from arts and manufactures, and from conftant and uniform occupation. The author: himself remarks, that the ufe and exercise of arms, would make the youth place their honour upon that art, and would enflame them with love of military glory; not adverting, that love of military glory, diffufed through the whole mafs of the people, would unqualify Britain for being a manufacturing and commercial country, rendering it of little weight or confideration in Europe..

3

The military branch is effential to every fpecies of government: the Quakers are the only people who ever doubted of it. Is it not then mortifying, that a capital branch of government, fhould to this day remain in a ftate fo imperfect? One would fufpect fome inherent vice in the nature of government, that counteracts every effort of genius to produce a more perfect mode. I am not difposed to admit any fuch defect, efpecially in an article effential to the well-being of fociety; and rather than yield to the charge, Iventure to pro pofe the following plan, even at the hazard of being thought an idle projector. And what animates me greatly to make the attempt, is a firm conviction that a military and an industrious fpirit are of equal importance to Britain; and that if either of them be loft we are undone... Ta reconcile

reconcile these seeming antagonists, is my chief view in the following plan; to which I fhall proceed after paving the way by fome preliminary confiderations.

The firft is, that as military force is effential to every ftate, no man is exempted from bearing arms for his country: all are bound; because no perfon has right to be exempted more than another. Were any difference to be made, persons of figure and fortune ought first to be called to that fervice, as being the most interested in the welfare of their country. Liften to a good foldier delivering his opinion on that subject.

"levées qui fe font par fupercherie font tout aufsi "odieufes; on met de l'argent dans la pochette "d'un homme, et on lui dit qu'il eft foldat.

"Celles qui fe font par force, le font encore "plus; c'est une defolation publique, dont le "bourgeois et l'habitant ne fe fauvent qu'à force "d'argent, et dont le fond est toujours un moyen " odieux. Ne voudroit-il pas mieux établer, par "une loi, que tout homme, de quelque conditi "on qu'il fût, feroit obligé de fervir fon prince et "fa patrie pendant cinq ans? Cette loi ne fçau"roit être defapprouvée, parce qu'il eft naturel

et juste que les citoyens s'emploient pour la "défense de l'état. Cette methode de lever des "troupes feroit un fond inépuifable de belles et "bonnes recrues, qui ne feroient pas fujetes a "déferter. L'on fe feroit même, par la fuite, "un honneur et un devoir de ferver fa tâche. "Mais, pour y parvenir, il faudroit n'en excep"ter aucune condition, être févére fur ce point, "et s'attacher a faire exécuter cette loi de pre"férence aux nobles et aux riches. Personne n'en "murmureroit. Alors ceux qui auroient fervi leurs "temps, verroient avec mépris ceux qui repugne"roient à cette loi, et infenfiblement on fe feroit un

"honneur