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individual, whom it had received into its fervice, of difaffection to the civil eftablishment, yet that, through him, it had communicated the aid and influence of a powerful ftation to a party who were hoftile to the conftitution. These answers, however, we propose, rather than defend. The measure certainly cannot be defended at all, except where the fufpected union between certain obnoxious principles in politics, and certain tenets in religion, is nearly univerfal in which cafe it makes little difference to the fubfcriber, whether the teft be religious or political: and the ftate is fomewhat better fecured by the one than the other.

The refult of our examination of thofe general tendencies, by which every interference of civil government in matters of religion ought to be tried, is this: "That a comprehenfive national religion, "guarded by a few articles of peace and conformi"ty, together with a legal provifion for the clergy "of that religion; and with a complete toleration of "all diflenters from the established church, without

any other limitation or exception, than what arifes "from the conjunction of dangerous political difpo"fitions with certain religious tenets, appears to be, "not only the most just and liberal, but the wifeft "and fafeft fyftem, which. a ftate can adopt : inaf "much as it unites the feveral perfections which a

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religious conftitution ought to aim at liberty of "conicience, with means of inftruction; the progrefs of truth, with the peace of fociety; the right of private judgment, with the care of the འབག";

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CHAP.

СНАР. XI.

OF POPULATION

CULTURE AND

ΤΟ.

AND PROVISION; AND OF AGRI-
COMMERCE, AS SUBSERVIENT THERE

HE final view of all rational politics is to proTH duce the greatest quantity of happiness in a given tract of country. The riches, ftrength, and glory of nations, the topics which history celebrates, and which alone almoft engage the praifes, and poffefs the admiration of mankind, have no value farther than as they contribute to this end. When they interfere with it, they are evils, and not the less real for the fplendour that furrounds them.

The

Secondly, although we speak of communities as of fentient beings; although we afcribe to them happiness and mifery, defires, interests and paffions, nothing really exifts or feels but individuals. happiness of a people is made up of the happiness of fingle perfons; and the quantity of happiness can only be augmented by increasing the number of the percipients, or the pleasure of their perceptions.

Thirdly, notwithstanding that diverfity of condition, especially different degrees, of plenty, freedom, and fecurity, greatly vary the quantity of happinets enjoyed by the fame number of individuals; and notwithstanding that extreme cafes may be found, of human beings fo galled by the rigours of slavery, that the increase of numbers is only the amplification of mifery; yet, within certain limits, and within thofe limits to which civil life is diverfified under the temperate governments that obtain in Europe, it may be affirmed, I think, with certainty, that the quantity

quantity of happinefs produced in any given district, fo far depends upon the number of inhabitants, that, in comparing adjoining periods in the fame country, the collective happinefs will be nearly in the exact proportion of the numbers, that is, twice the number of inhabitants will produce double the quantity of happiness; in diftant periods, and different coun tries, under great changes or great diffimilitude of civil condition, although the proportion of enjoy ment may fall much fhort of that of the numbers, yet ftill any confiderable excefs of numbers will ufually carry with it a preponderation of happiness ; that at least, it may, and ought to be affumed in ali political deliberations, that a larger portion of happiness is enjoyed amongst ten perfons, poffeffing the means of healthy fubfiftence, than can be produced by five perfons, under every advantage of power, affluence, and luxury.

From thefe principles it follows, that the quantity of happiness in a given diftrict, although it is poffible it may be increafed the number of inhabitants remaining the fame, is chiefly and moft naturally af fected by alteration of the numbers: that, confequently, the decay of population, is the greateit evil that a ftate can fuffer; and the improvement of it the object which ought, in all countries, to be aimed at, in preference to every other political purpose whatsoever.

The importance of population, and the fuperiority of it to every other national advantage, are points neceffary to be inculcated, and to be understood ;.. inafmuch as falfe eftimates, or fantaftic notions of national grandeur, are perpetually drawing the attention of statesmen and legiflators from the care of this, which is, at all times, the true and absolute intereft of a country: for which reafon, we have stated these points with unusual formality. We will confefs, however, that a competition can feldom arife between the advancement of population and any measure of fober utility; because in the ordina

ry

ry progrefs of human affairs, whatever, in any way, contributes to make a people happier, tends to render them more numerous.

In the fecundity of the human, as of every other fpecies of animals, nature has provided for an indefinite multiplication. Mankind have increafed to their prefent number from a fingle pair: the offfpring of carly marriages, in the ordinary course of procreation, do more than replace the parents: 'in countries, and under circumflances very favourable to fubfiftence, the population has been doubled in the space of twenty years: the havock occafioned by wars, earthquakes, famine, or peftilence, is usually repaired in a fhort time. Thefe indications fufficiently demonstrate the tendency of nature in the human fpecies to a continual increafe of its numbers. It becomes therefore a queftion that may reasonably be propounded, what are the caufes which confine or check the natural progrefs of this multiplication? And the anfwer which firft presents itself to the thought of the inquirer is, that the population of a country muft ftop, when the country can maintain no more, that is, when the inhabitants are already fo numerous as to exhauft all the provifion which the foil can be made to produce. This, however, though an infuperable bar, will feldom be found to be that which actually checks the progrefs of population in any country of the world; because the number of the people have feldom, in any country, arrived at this limit, or even approached to it. The fertility of the ground, in temperate regions, is capable of being improved by cultivation to an extent which is unknown: much, however, beyond the state of improvement in any country in Europe. In our own, which holds almoft the first place in the knowledge and encouragement of agriculture, let it only be fuppofed that every field in England of the fame original quality with thofe in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, and confequentiy capable of the fame fertility, were by a like management made to

yield

yield an equal produce, and it may be afferted, I believe, with truth, that the quantity of human provifion raised in the ifland would be increased fivefold. The two principles, therefore, upon which population feems primarily to depend, the fecundity of the fpecies, and the capacity of the foil, would in moft, perhaps in all countries, enable it to proceed much farther than it has yet advanced. The number of marriageable women, who, in each country, remain unmarried, afford a computation how much the agency of nature in the diffufion of human life is cramped and contracted; and the quantity of wafte, neglected, or mismanaged furface, together with a comparifon, like the preceding, of the crops raised from the foil in the neighbourhood of populous cities, and under a perfect ftate of cultivation, with thofe, which lands of equal or fuperior quality yield in dfferent fituations, will show in what proportion the indigenous productions of the carth are capable of being farther augmented.

"ever

The fundamental propofition upon the fubject of population, which muft guide every endeavour to improve it, and from which every conclufion concerning it may be deduced, is this: "Wherethe commerce between the fexes is regulated by marriage, and a provifion for that "mode of fubfiftence, to which each clafs of the "community is accuftomed, can be procured with eafe and certainty, there the number of the people will increase; and the rapidity, as well as the extent of the increase, will be proportioned to the degree in which thefe caufes exist."

This propofition we will draw out into the feveral principles which it contains..

I. First, the propofition afferts the " neceffity of "confining the intercourfe of the fexes to the mar riage union." It is only in the marriage union that this intercourfe is fufficiently prolific. Befide which, family establishments alone are fitted to perpetuate a fucceffion of generations. The offspring

of

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