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Here was a chief scene

II.

hints of Josephus, that during the last war, the CHAP. revolted party entertained great hopes of succour from that quarter *; and there is good ground for supposing that the final insurrection in the time of Hadrian was connected with a rising in Mesopotamia.t At the same period the influence of this race of Jews on the religious character of the people is no less manifest. of the preaching of the great apostle‡: and we cannot but think, that its importance in early Christian history, which has usually been traced almost exclusively in the West, has been much underrated. Hence came the mystic Cabala§ of the Jews, the chief parent of those gnostic opinions, out of which grew the heresies of the early Church: here the Jews, under the Prince of the captivity, held their most famous schools, where learning was embodied in the Babylonian Talmud; and here the

Dio (or Xiphilin) asserts that they received considerable succours from the East. L. lxvi. c. 4.

Hist. of Jews, iii. 108. &c. Nothing but the stubborn obstinacy of controversy could have thrown a doubt on the plain date in the first Epistle of St. Peter (v. 13.). Philo, in two places (ii. p. 578. 587.), Josephus in one (Ant. xviii. 9. 8.), expressly name Babylon as the habitation of the great Eastern settlement. It is not certain whether the city was then entirely destroyed (Gesenius on Isaiah, xiii. 22.), but in fact the name was extended to the province or satrapy. But it was equally the object of the two great conflicting parties in Christianity to identify Rome with Babylon. This fact

established, the Roman Catholic
had an unanswerable argument to
prove the contested point of St.
Peter's residence in the Western
metropolis; Babylon therefore was
decided to mean pagan Rome. The
Protestant at once concurred, for if
Rome was Babylon,it was the mystic
spiritual Babylon of the Apocalypse.
The whole third chapter of the
second Epistle appears to me full of
Oriental allusions, and the example
of Balaam seems peculiarly appro-
priate if written in that region.

Lucan's "Cumque superba foret
Babylon spolianda" may indeed be
mere poetic licence, or may allude
to Seleucia.

Cabala is used here in its most extensive sense. See Chiarini, p. 97.

II.

CHAP. most influential heresiarch, Manes, attempted to fuse into one system the elements of Magianism, Cabalism, and Christianity. Having thus rapidly traced the fortunes of this great Jewish colony, we must reascend to the time of its first establishment.

Cabala.

From a very early period the Jews seem to have possessed a Cabala, a traditionary comment or interpretation of the sacred writings. Whether it existed before the Captivity, it is impossible to ascertain; it is certain that many of their books, even those written by distinguished prophets, Gad and Iddo, were lost at that disastrous time. But whether they carried any accredited tradition to Babylonia, it seems evident, from the Oriental cast which it assumed, that they either brought it from thence on their return to their native land, or received it subsequently during their intercourse with their Eastern brethren.* Down to the Captivity the Jews of Palestine had been in contact only with the religions of the neighbouring nations, which, however differently modified, appear to have been essentially the same, a sort of Natureworship, in which the host of Heaven, especially the sun and moon, under different names, Baal and Moloch, Astarte and Mylitta, and probably as Religions. symbols or representatives of the active and passive powers of nature, no doubt with some distinction of their attributes, were the predominant objects. These religions had long degenerated into cruel or licentious superstitions; and the Jews, in falling

Syrian

* Mosheim, De Rebus Christ. ii. 18.

II.

Persia.

off to the idolatry of their neighbours, or intro- CHAP. ducing foreign rites into their own religious system, not merely offended against the great primal distinction of their faith, the unity of the godhead, but sunk from the pure, humane, and comparatively civilised institutes of their lawgiver, to the loose and sanguinary usages of barbarism. In the Religion of East, however, they encountered a religion of a far nobler and more regular structure *: a religion which offered no temptation to idolatrous practices; for the Magian rejected, with the devout abhorrence of the followers of Moses, the exhibition of the Deity in the human form; though it possessed a rich store of mythological and symbolical figures, singularly analogous to those which may be considered the poetic machinery of the later Hebrew prophets. The religion of Persia seems to have held an intermediate rank between the Pantheism of India, where the whole universe emanated from the Deity, and was finally to be reabsorbed into the Deity, and the purer Theism of the Jews, which asserted the one omnific Jehovah, and seemed to place a wide and impassable interval between the

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CHAP.

II.

nature of the Creator and that of the created being. In the Persian system, the Creation owed its existence to the conflicting powers of evil and good. These were subordinate to, or proceeding from, the Great Primal Cause (Zeruane Akerene), Time without bounds*, which in fact appears, as Gibbon observes, rather as a metaphysical abstraction, than as an active and presiding deity. The Creation was at once the work and the dominion of the two antagonist creators, who had balanced against each other in perpetual conflict a race of spiritual and material beings, light and darkness, good and evil. This Magianism, subsequent to the Jewish Captivity†, and during the residence of the captives in Mesopotamia, either spread with the conquests of the Persians, from the regions farther to the east, Aderbijan and Bactria, or was first promulgated by Zoroaster, who is differently represented as the author or as the reformer of the faith. From the remarkable allusions or points of coincidence between some of the Magian tenets and the Sacred Writings, Hyde and Prideaux laboured to prove that Zoroasters had been a pupil of Daniel, and de

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CHAP.

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ness of

rived those notions, which seem more nearly allied to the purer Jewish faith, from his intercourse with the Hebrew prophet, who held a high station under the victorious Medo-Persian monarchy.* But, Completein fact, there is such an originality and complete- Zoroastrian ness in the Zoroastrian system, and in its leading system. principles, especially that of the antagonist powers of good and evil, it departs so widely from the ancient and simple Theism of the Jews, as clearly to indicate an independent and peculiar source, at least in its more perfect development; if it is not, as we are inclined to believe, of much more ancient date, and native to a region much further to the east than the Persian court, where Zoroaster, according to one tradition, might have had intercourse, in his youth, with the prophet Daniel.

vesta.

If, as appears to be the general opinion of the con- The Zendatinental writers, who have most profoundly investigated the subject, we have authentic remains, or at

* The hypothesis which places Zoroaster under the reign of Darius Hystaspes, identified with the Gushtasp of Persian mythological history, is maintained by Hyde, Prideaux, Anquetil du Perron, Kleuker, Herder, Goerres, Malcolm, Von Hammer, and apparently by De Guignaut. The silence of Herodotus appears to me among the strongest objections to this view.

Foucher, Tychsen, Heeren, and recently Holty, identify Gushtasp with Cyaxares I., and place the religious revolution under the previous Median dynasty.

A theory which throws Zoroaster much higher up into antiquity is developed with great ability by Rhode, in his Heilige Sage.

The earlier date of the Persian
prophet has likewise been main-
tained by Moyle, Gibbon, and
Volney.

These views may in some degree
be reconciled by the supposition
that it was a reformation, not a
primary development of the reli-
gion which took place under the
Medo-Persian, or the Persian
monarchy. The elements of the
faith and the caste of the Magi
were, I should conceive, earlier.
The inculcation of agricultural ha-
bits on a people emerging from
the pastoral life, so well developed
by Heeren, seems to indicate a
more ancient date. Consult also
Gesenius on Isaiah, lxv. 5. Con-
stant, sur la Réligion, ii. 187.

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