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scarce worth retaining; and, for this reason, he advised the house not to dissipate the force of the country, which required concentration against a formidable enemy. The objects of Bonaparte had been, to weaken the power of Austria, and to humble the naval ascendency of England: the one he had accomplished, and had a fair prospect of the other, if we madly plunged into a contest with the maritime powers of the north: with such assistance, what fatal consequences might not be expected by even the most sanguine admirers of our courage and re

sources!

The solicitor-general said, that we were not in circumstances in which to pause would be politic or praise-worthy: yet, whilst the mover of the amendment acknowledged we were in a situation requiring vigour, exertion, and promptitude, he had proposed doubt, inquiry, and hesitation. We had exercised the right of maritime capture from time almost immemorial, and had continued to exercise it with the utmost moderation. Let our conduct be compared with that of France: they had confiscated the ships of their friends whenever they happened to be loaded with enemy's goods; and not merely that, but if the goods were of English manufacture, or if any part of them were so, the whole ship and cargo were condemned: yet France raised all the outcry against England, whose pretensions were a temperate use of the general custom of belligerent powers, and a material qualification of the unjust and extravagant practices of France and Spain.

But France was now an advocate for the freedom of the seas; and, to assert that freedom, had

;

joined Sweden and Denmark, and
become a leading friend to the un-
molested navigation of neutral
ships-Why? Because, after the
defeat of their navy by lord Nel-
son, they recalled these ships into
their ports, and the policy of this
measure could not be overlooked.
If we wished to defeat it, and to
prevent the restoration of their
navy and their commerce, we must
maintain the right of searching
neutral ships: if we permitted the
free navigation demanded, the
French would soon recruit their
marine; we might destroy it again
and again, they would weary us
by expense if the northern pow-
ers were suffered to furnish them
with stores, they could easily, year
after year, bring out fresh fleets
and, should such a system be tole-
rated, our naval superiority would
be reduced to complete insignifi
cance. By the existing treaties, it
would be fraud in Denmark and
Sweden to convey enemies' goods;
the present convention, which Den-
mark had signed, asserted this
right; this, therefore, was a de-
fection from treaty, and to all in-
tents an act of hostility. By con-
senting to any modification of our
rights, the next requisition wouid
be, that all kind of property on
board merchant-ships should be
protected from detention, and free
from search, and they would pro-
ceed to insist that we should not
take our enemies' goods, and that
the intercourse of merchants ought
not to be interrupted. Against whom
then were we to wage war? Why,
against a metaphysical being called
a State-as if the state was any
thing but the aggregate of the peo-
ple, and we attack their property
to reduce the resources of that state
which derives all its vigour from
them,

The

The Danes and Swedes were neutral whilst they remained at home; but when employed in transporting goods to our enemy, in promoting their commerce, and contributing to their interests, to affirm they then were so, and that we were unjustifiable in interrupting them, is too absurd to need refuta

tion.

There being then no doubt as to the right, where was the impropriety of assuring his majesty we would assist him in maintaining it? Distrust and despondency must ne cessarily be excited if we despaired of the justice of our claim and the sufficiency of our means: nor was it wise to dishearten that spirit on which we were to rely for effective assistance. Did the mover of the amendment design to cast down the hopes of the people by his comparison between this country and the state of France? What would be thought of the character of that commander, who, when the battle was approaching, instead of animating his army with encouragements, should display his eloquence to exaggerate their danger, and describe the strength and formidable numbers of the enemy? Should we not pronounce him cowardly, treacherous, and impolitic: Away with those invi. dious distinctions of party when the country is in danger! When the existence of our primary interests is threatened, let there be a correspondence in our views, and we might face that host of enemies which the honourable gentleman had presented to us. If it be our determination to fight for our dearest rights, let us diffuse no doubt of our capacity for the combat: now were called upon to assert all that was elevated in the British character, all that was denominated

we

public spirit; let us then avoid that whining melancholy which could answer no purpose but to enfeeble, by depicting evils in the most glowing colours, without representing any thing tending to their alleviation: 'spite of declamation, the English would not clamour for peace at the price of honour; they would not submit to French domination to obtain bread, or sell their birth-right for a mess of pottage. To bring forward a motion calculated to embarrass those who were to guide us through our difficulties-to deplore our situation instead of exerting ourselves to remedy it-to insinuate that hope was delusive, and vigour unavailing, when we were called upon to act with vigour and unanimity-was neither patriotic nor magnanimous. For his own part, he would come forward and struggle with his countrymen for their rights, their property, their power, and their existence,

Mr. Tierney said he should not have troubled the house with a single observation, had not the long train of misrepresentations and artful arguments which he had just heard tended to inflame the minds of the house and of the country against his friend Mr. Grey, by imputing to him sentiments he had never uttered. Was it exciting despondence, or sacrificing the liberties of Englishmen, because, after being eight years deceived by every promise, and disappointed in every enterprise, we refused to entrust the remaining resources of the country into the same hands, without making some inquiry?

The house had also been called to vote on a most delicate and implicated subject, before any documents were produced to guide

their decision. The middling and upper classes of the people were accused of indulging in idle lamentations, and permission was denied them to ask why and for what further sacrifices were deemed necessary. If an attempt was made to show the country the fatal consequences of blindly persevering in the contest in which ministers had involved it, the friendly endeayour was called leaguing with the enemy. Mr. Tierney, proceeding to show how miserably the war department had been conducted by Mr. Dundas, for whom that office had been expressly created, remarked, that nothing but disgrace had attended his measures; and, if we were to fight on, why not permit us to fight under better auspices than those of a man who lavished the treasure and blood of the country with the most perfect apathy?

The speaker here interfered, re

proving this language as irregular and unparliamentary.

Mr. Tierney disclaimed any personal imputation of inhumanity to the honourable gentleman, only intending, he said, to point out that his official conduct respecting the Dutch expedition wore the appearance of indifference to the misery it had produced; that it was the aim of the amendment to place our resources in hands more capable of employing them, and therefore it had his most decided support.

Mr. Sheridan thought, that if Bonaparte had hired his majesty's ministers to play the game of France, he could not have had better tools; that if they persevered in such conduct, their allies would fall off, and not only fall off, but might advance in hostile array against them.

The house divided; for the amendment 63-against it 245-.. majority 182.

mons.

CHAP. II.

Nacy and Army Estimates. Debates on that Subject in the House of ComThe Budget, Supply, Ways and Means. New Taxes debated in the House of Commons. Part of the Supply which ireland was to pay. Irish Budget and Taxes. Taxes abandoned, and new ones proposed, by Mr. Addington. Vote of Credit. Mr. Grey's and Mr. Tierney's Objections against the Augmentation of the Salary to the Chairman of the Committee in the House of Lords. Review of the Supply for the Year. Subsidy to Portugal. The same debated in the House of Lords. Tierney's Resolutions on the Finances. Mr. Addington's CounterResolutions. India Papers moved for. India Budget stated by Mr. Dundas.

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Mr.

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gaged the attention of parliament soon after the opening of the ses

sion.

On the 16th of February, the house of commons resolved itself into a committee of supply. It was proposed, that there should be granted for the sea service 135,000 men, for ten months, including 30,000 marines.

Mr. Tierney observed, that this was a very considerable increase; that the number of men voted on a former occasion did not exceed 120,000 men.

Mr. Pitt replied, that it was very desirable, under the present circumstances, to carry the strength of the country as far as possible, because we might have to contend for principles which were essential to our naval power. There had been already voted for the service of this year 120,000 men; and he was sure the honourable gentleman, upon consideration, would not think the present increase too great. The other resolutions, which followed of course, were agreed to without any com

ment.

Mr. secretary at war then rose, for the purpose of calling the attention of the committee to the army estimates. The committee would perceive in the estimates of the year many things which were not usually in the estimates (he alluded to the statements respecting the army in Ireland, which used to be separate, but which now, in consequence of the union, formed a part of the general estimate). The committee, however, would now have before them, in one short view, an account of all descriptions of troops in the service of the whole empire. The number of regular forces, cavalry and infantry, amounted to 193,187 men.

The number of militia, both British and Irish, was 78,046; of fencibles, both British and Irish, 31,415; so that the whole force in the empire,'exclusive of the volunteer corps, amounted to 302,643 men. The expense of maintaining this force would be 12,940,8891. In distinguishing between the expenses of the two countries, it would stand thus; for Great Britain 9,617,0331. for Ireland 3,323,8561. In comparing the estimates of this with those of the last year, the estimates of the present exceeded last year by 762,4591.; but of this sum no less than 656,3881. was incurred in consequence of an augmentation which had been made in the army, by adding two companies to each battalion, and by increasing the cavalry. The real difference, therefore, between the estimates of this and of the last year, was not more than 100,000l. He then observed, that an allowance had been held necessary to be granted to the troops in Ireland, which were placed in a different situation from that in which they stood formerly. He then moved, "That it is the opinion of the committee, that 58,387 men, &c. be employed for that part of the united kingdom of Great Britain called England,` Jersey, Guernsey, and Alderney, for the service of the year 1801."

This question being put, Mr. Grey said, he was very sorry that he could not agree with the right honourable gentleman: taking the increase at 10,000 men, it was a very great addition to what we had already. There was good reason for the additional force to the militia when there was an alarm of an invasion; but now there was no additional force wanted for offensive service, except against the

northern

northern confederacy, which he apprehended was not considered by ministers as alarming. He did not know whether this force was meant for defensive or offensive operations, for that was not explained; but if the same gentlemen were to continue in administration who had directed the national councils for some years, he should have no hesitation in saying, that he had had too much experience of them to think it prudent to allow them the disposal of such a force as that which was now proposed; for, if they had wasted so much treasure in fruitless and disgraceful expeditions, they could not by any rational person be trusted with the power of doing it again. In a word, he should be readier at all times, and particularly at this time, to assent to the augmentation of the militia than the regular forces, if our object was defensive opera

tion.

The secretary at war said he was surprised to hear the honourable gentleman make so great a difference between the militia and the regular forces of this country, and to prefer the militia to the regular force, as an active body for defensive operations. This was a gene ral military question, and he did not feel himself well qualified to discuss it. The advantages of this force to the country he would not state, nor the consideration upon which the hopes of its success were grounded; the particulars of the mode he was not going to detail; but he understood, that, in the raising of this additional force, it was made the interest of the officers to cause the augmentation to take place more speedily than it could otherwise be made: this, however, was to be under certain restrictions; and the general object, he

hoped, would be attained by it, which was that of increasing the army: an object which he really thought every intelligent man who entertained good wishes for the welfare of the country, looking at the circumstances by which it was surrounded, must have at heart.

Mr. Dundas, general Walpole, colonel Gascoyne, and Mr. Pitt, bore a share in this debate. The resolution was carried; and, the house being resumed, the report was ordered to be received the next day.

On that day Mr. Bragge reported from the committee of the whole house as follows: "Resolved, that 135,000 men be employed for the sea service for ten lunar months, commencing the 26th day 1801, including 30,000 marines. Resolved, that a sum not exceeding 2,197,500l. be granted to his ma jesty for wages for the same, at the rate of one, pound eighteen shillings per man per month," &c.

The house, on the 18th of February, resolved itself into a committee of ways and means, when Mr. Pitt, in submitting to the committee the estimate of the provisions which would be necessary for the services of the present year, stated that if would be his duty to call their attention to them, under the arrangements which were made at the time when the union between the two countries was happily effected, and which were to be jointly defrayed by the two countries. He should, therefore, in the first place, state the charges for which it was necessary to provide, and then the manner in which he should propose them to be defrayed; and, in doing this, he should conform, as nearly as possible, to the usual mode.

He first stated the supply; under which head the first thing to be no

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