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INSTRUCTIONS FROM HILLSBOROUGH.

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XI.

Jun. 21.

with Hutchinson and Oliver, sent to the House a message, CHAP. accompanied with extracts from the letter of Hillsborough.1 This message was read once, and was ordered to a second 1768. reading in the afternoon, when floor and gallery were filled with auditors; and Otis, whose clarion voice rang through the hall, in a masterly speech of two hours' length, filled with volcanic bursts of passion, set forth his objections to a compliance with the requisition.2

It was well known that the governor had diligently corresponded with the secretary, and had misrepresented the views and the conduct of the people; and, as he had communicated to the House but part of the letter just received, and none of his own letters, they desired him to lay before them, not only Jun. 23. the whole of the letter of Hillsborough and the king's instructions, but that "he would be pleased to add copies of his own letters relating to the subject of the aforesaid message." With this request he was unwilling to comply. He was ready to Jun. 24. submit the letter of Hillsborough; but his own letters, he assured them, he "would never make public but upon his own motion and for his own reasons." But this refusal availed him nothing. Copies of the letters had been obtained, and the House knew their contents.3 They were not, therefore, acting in the dark. They were well informed of his excellency's proceedings, and were determined to call him to an account. Hence their course was decided. The ministry, they were sensible, was bent on humbling them; the eyes of all were fastened

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MASSACHUSETTS REFUSES TO RESCIND.

CHAP. upon them; and in the hour of peril should they shrink from XI. the encounter? From Virginia, from New Jersey, from Con1768. necticut, and from Georgia letters had been received approving

their proceedings, and tendering sympathy. Should they disappoint the expectations which had every where been formed? Then would they deserve to be left to their fate.

For a full week the affair was in suspense. To comply with the mandate of the king was to give up all. And should Jun. 28. they retrace their steps when they had gone so far? At length

the governor demanded a definite answer, and informed them that longer delay would be construed as a refusal. The House Jun. 29. asked a recess to consult their constituents; but it was refused. Upon this the question was taken viva voce; and out of one hundred and nine votes cast, but seventeen were in the affirmative. A message was sent to the governor informing him of Jun. 30. this decision, and a long letter was draughted to be sent to Hillsborough. In accordance with his instructions, the gov July 1. ernor prorogued the House, and the next day, by proclamation, dissolved the court. Thus Massachusetts was without a legislature, and the liberties of the people were at the mercy of their foes.

July.

In July, Hallowell, the commissioner of the customs, arrived in England as the accuser of the province. The letters he took with him were numerous, and great was the dismay caused by his appearance. At London, at Liverpool, at Bristol, and at other ports, the excitement was general. Stocks fell; merchants grew anxious; and those who had debtors in the colonies fancied themselves ruined.5 The anger of the ministry

1 Jour. H. of R. for 1768, App. 6 et seq.; Boston Gazette for June 27, 1768; Prior Doc'ts, 213-220; Hutchinson, iii. 196; Bancroft, vi. 164.

Bernard to Hillsborough, July 1, 1768; Hutchinson, iii. 197; Jour. H. of R. for 1768, 85, 86, 88, 89-94. "Among the majority," says Bernard, 66 were many members who were scarce ever known upon any other occasion

to vote against the government side of a question-so greatly have infatuation and intimidation gained ground.”

3 This letter is given in full in Bradford, State Papers, 151-158; Jour. H. of R. for 1768, App.; Prior Doc'ts, 206-210.

Bernard to Hillsborough, June 17 and July 1, 1768.

5 Hutchinson's Letter of Oct. 4,

PREDICTIONS OF POWNALL.

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knew no bounds. To be thus bearded and set at defiance by CHAP. a "parcel of renegades," a "factious mob," a "rascally rabble," XI. was "a thing not to be endured;" and the violent denounced 1768. vengeance against the insolent town of Boston." "If the government," they urged, "now gives way, as it did about the stamp act, it will be all over with its authority in America."2 They had forgotten the memorable predictions of Pownall: "Believe me, there is not a province, a colony, or a plantation that will submit to a tax thus imposed. Don't fancy that you can divide the people upon this point. You will by this conduct only unite them the more inseparably. The people of America, universally, unitedly, and unalterably, are resolved not to submit to any internal tax imposed upon them by any legisla ture in which they have not a share by representatives of their own election. This claim must not be understood as though it were only the pretences of party leaders and demagogues; as though it were only the visions of speculative enthusiasts; as though it were the ebullition of a faction which must subside; as though it were only temporary or partial. It is the cool, deliberate, principled maxim of every man of business in the country."3 Such words, spoken by one who knew the people, should have received more attention. But the statesmen of England were too obstinately bent on humbling America to listen to warnings; and they preferred the risk of losing the colonies to yielding the claim of authority over them.

The examination of the collector took place at the treasury July 21. chambers, in the presence of Lord North, Jenkinson, and Campbell; and, though he subsequently saw fit to file certain "corrections" to his testimony, there was enough in it as ori

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COMPLAINTS OF HALLOWELL.

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CHAP. ginally given to prompt to action. True, he did not affirm XI. that the determination to break the revenue laws was unani1768. mous; for Salem and Marblehead had not resisted them, and "the better sort of people would be for government if they could be protected;" but the "Bostoneers" had defied the laws, and the infection might spread. Nor did he assert that the officers who remained were insulted after the first outbreak; but they were daily expecting to be driven away, for the "vermin" were to be expelled. He insisted, however, — and in this he echoed the representations of Bernard, — that “there had been a long-concerted and extensive plan of resistance to the authority of Great Britain ;" and, a copy of the memorial being sent to Hillsborough, the lords of the treasury united in declaring that "nothing short of the immediate exertion of military power could prevent an open revolt of the town, which would probably spread throughout the provinces."3 The counJuly 24. ter memorial of the province, presented by De Berdt, charged the blame of the riot to the imprudence of the officers, and the commander of the Romney; and this memorial was strengthened by affidavits taken on the spot. But of what avail was such a defence, or any defence, to those who had beforehand resolved what to do? Bedford and his followers clamored for troops to be sent over to subdue the inhabitants of Boston, and for a striking example to be made of the most forward, to inspire the other colonies with terror. Weymouth fell in with this proposal. But Shelburne, more friendly to America, declared that it would be absurd to send a single additional soldier, or a vessel of war, to reduce the colonies, as they would return to their allegiance from affection and from interest, if

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MEETING OF THE CABINET.

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once the laws of which they complained were modified. But CHAP. moderate counsels were despised; and the king, who was personally concerned to enforce his authority, became importunate 1768. that Shelburne should be dismissed.1

A few days later a meeting of the cabinet was held, and a July 27. union of parties was sought to be effected on the basis of the declaratory act. With Massachusetts, it was thought, it would not be difficult to deal, if that was the only refractory province; and Boston was to be proceeded against "with the utmost severity." Scarcely a voice opposed these measures; and when the proposition was advanced that two additional regiments, of five hundred men each, should be sent over, and that a change should be made in the provincial charter, it was assented to without division, and almost without debate. Bernard, in the mean time, received from Gage an offer of troops when July 2. he should desire them; but the Council, to whom he communicated this offer under an injunction of secrecy, did not consider July 23 the troops necessary.3 The governor dared not dissent from their opinion, and wrote to Hillsborough for positive orders not to call "a new assembly until the people should get truer notions of their rights and interests."4 The merchants of Boston, whose attempts to prevent importations had been hitherto attended with but partial success, rallied once more; and a Aug. 9 large number - all but sixteen, it is said signed an agreement, absolute in its terms, that they would send for no merchandise from Great Britain, articles of necessity only excepted, for a year from the following January; and tea, paper, glass, painters' colors, &c., upon which duties had been imposed, were

1 Mem. of De Berdt, of July 24, 1768; Francès to Choiseul, July 29, 1768; Grafton's Autobiog. in Bancroft, vi. 175.

2 Camden to Grafton, Sept. 4, 1768, in Grafton's Autobiog.; Mauduit to Hutchinson, in Boston Chronicle; Hillsborough to Bernard, July 30, 1768.

3 Gage to the Commissioners of the Customs, June 21, 1768, in Mems. of Commissioners for July 11, 1768; Bernard to Hillsborough, July 30, 1768; Postscript to Boston News Letter for Oct. 13, 1768; Boston Gazette for Oct. 10, 1768.

• Bernard to Hillsborough, Aug. 6, 1768.

and 27.

to 15.

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