372 THE TROOPS QUARTERED. CHAP. circumstances, was to threaten; and, as a measure of intimidaXI. tion, the main guard was stationed directly opposite the State 1768. House, which was occupied by the troops, and cannon were pointed towards the rooms in which the legislature was accustomed to sit. Still, every thing was quiet; and the Council, Oct. 27. as an act of justice to the province, prepared a memorial, signed by fifteen out of nineteen, appealing to the general to testify, from his own observation, that the town was in a peaceful state, and accusing the commissioners of giving rise to the principal riot, and of unnecessarily withdrawing to the Castle, to induce a belief that they needed protection. If, upon inquiry, he should find their statements to be true, and should be satisfied that his majesty's service did not require the regiments from Halifax to remain in the town, they suggested that it would be a "great ease and satisfaction to the inhabitants" if he would be pleased to "order them to Castle William or Point Shirley, and to order to the place where they were first intendOct. 28. ed the two regiments from Ireland."2 The reply of the general contained a partial acknowledgment of the justness of these representations; yet, in compliance with the wishes of Bernard, he was unwilling to remove the troops, and advised barracks, &c., on Fort Hill, to command the town. Thus a military despotism was established in the province. "These red coats make a formidable appearance," said Hutchinson, exultingly. But Bernard, more timid and irresolute in his character, feared that "troops would not restore the authority of government," and urged anew a forfeiture of the charter. 1 Supp't to Mass. Gazette for Nov. 3, 1768; Narr. of Boston Massacre, 16, 17; Hutchinson, iii. 215; Bancroft, vi. 211. 2 Address of Council, Dec. 27, 1768, in Letters, &c. 129, 134; Mass. Gazette for Nov. 3, 1768; Boston Gazette for Oct. 31, 1768; Hutchinson, iii. 215, 216. CHAPTER XII. MILITARY RULE. THE BOSTON MASSACRE. crown. XII. BOSTON was a garrisoned town. The people were subjected CHAP. to the evil they dreaded. Their liberties were at the mercy of a hireling soldiery. It was evident to all that it had been 1768. resolved in England to enforce the power of Parliament at the point of the sword, and that the menaces which had been thrown out were not idle.1 How soon these threats would be executed depended upon the course of the officers of the Should they assume arrogant airs, or instigate the soldiery to deeds of violence, the struggle would be precipitated. Should they adopt a more prudent course, it might be delayed. That it must come before long few could doubt, for the signs of the times were threatening and ominous. Every one felt that the die was thrown, and that, if England did not recede from the position she had assumed, a popular outbreak would be the result. It is not in the nature of man to submit with tameness to continued encroachments upon his real or conceived rights. He may forbear for a time; but when the yoke presses too heavily, an effort will be made to throw it off; and the success of that effort rests with God. The reverent spirit with which the people of New England had been accustomed, from the infancy of their settlements, to speak of the "mother 1 66 My daily reflections for two years," writes John Adams, (Diary, in Works, ii. 214,)" at the sight of those soldiers before my door, were serious enough. Their very appearance in Boston was a strong proof to me that the determination of Great Britain to 374 THE STATE PAPERS OF MASSACHUSETTS. CHAP. Country;" the sincere attachment which they had always felt XII. to the homes of their ancestors; the conviction which was 1768. cherished that the land of their fathers was blessed above all others in the possession of a wise and beneficent constitution, these might lead them to weigh well the consequences of a rupture with that country, and to deprecate every step tending to disunion. But if forced to resist by a course of legislation from which relief was sought in vain, they argued, and justly, that the responsibility must rest, not with them, but with those who sanctioned that course and persisted in adhering to it. The state papers of Massachusetts commemorate the wisdom of the men who framed them. Their tone is firm, yet prudent and respectful. They were not the productions of visionary enthusiasts, ignorant of the principles of natural law. They were the effusions of an ardent and enlightened patriotism. And the men who guided the destinies of the province those, at least, upon whom the greatest reliance was placed - were clear-headed, far-seeing, deep-thinking men. They pondered well every word they sent forth to the world. Not a hasty sentence escaped from their pens. They knew what they were doing; had counted the cost; had looked into the future as far as was possible; and had formed their conclusions after mature deliberation. Hence a resolute spirit breathes throughout their acts. They wrought for themselves, and they wrought for posterity.1 The soldiers who had been quartered in Boston soon fell in love with the country, and numbers deserted. But there were still enough left to parade the streets, to the scandal of the town; 3 and the officers of the customs, inspired by their pres 1 I speak here of state papers. In newspaper effusions greater license is taken; and many of the pieces in the journals of the day were written under the impulse of glowing passions. Yet the prudent wrote more calmly, though even their productions were often spicy. 2 Eliot to Hollis, Oct. 17, 1768. 3 66 Through the whole fall and winter," writes John Adams, (Diary, in Works, ii. 213,) "a regiment was exercised by Major Small, in Brattle Square, directly in front of my house. The spirit-stirring drum and the earpiercing fife aroused me and my fam SPEECH OF THE KING. 375 XII. ence, ventured once more to gratify their spite by arresting, on CHAP. charges which were never established, a few who had formerly resisted their authority. To this exceptions were taken; but 1768. the people waited patiently for intelligence from abroad, and were especially anxious to know the decision of the king and of Parliament. By early advices they were informed that Shelburne had been dismissed, that Pitt had resigned, that the Oct. 12. privy seal had been conferred upon the Earl of Bristol, and that the Earl of Rochford, lately ambassador at Paris, had become secretary of state. But these changes, eventful as they were, produced less sensation than the speech of the king at the opening of Parliament, who railed at "the spirit of fac- Nov. 8 tion" which he had hoped was "well nigh extinguished," but which had broken out "afresh in some of the colonies." ton, in particular, appeared to be "in a state of disobedience to all law and government," and had "proceeded to measures subversive of the constitution, and attended with circumstances that might manifest a disposition to throw off its dependence on Great Britain." "With your concurrence and support," he added, "I shall be able to defeat the mischievous designs of those turbulent and seditious persons who, under false pretences, have but too successfully deluded numbers of my subjects in America, and whose practices, if suffered to prevail, cannot fail to produce the most fatal consequences to my colonies immediately, and, in the end, to all the dominions of my crown."3 Bos The debate which followed was warm and animated. Lord Henly, the son of Lord Northington, in moving the address in the House of Commons, charged the Bostonians with "defying ily early enough every morning, and the indignation they excited, though somewhat soothed, was not allayed by the sweet songs, violins, and flutes of the serenading Sons of Liberty under my windows in the evening." Gage to Hillsborough, March 5, 1769. Hancock and Malcom were among those who were arrested. Chatham Corresp. iii. 336-348; Mass. Gazette for Jan. 16, 1769; Belsham's George III. i. 218; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. v. 200-204; Bancroft, vi. 214, 215. 3 Debates in Parl. v. 11, 12; Mass. Gazette for Jan. 16, 1769; Boston Gazette for Jan. 16, 1769. 376 XII. DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT. CHAP. all legal authority;" and Stanley, in seconding his motion, declared that the "difficulties in governing Massachusetts" 1768. were "insurmountable, unless its charter and laws should be so changed as to give the king the appointment of the Council, and to the sheriffs the sole power of returning juries." Burke replied, defending the colonies,' and insisting that the order requiring the General Court to rescind their resolutions, under a penalty, was absolutely illegal and unconstitutional; and in this, surprising as it may seem, Grenville agreed with him, as did also Wedderburne. Barrington "wished the stamp act had never been passed;" yet he accused the Americans as "traitors," and "worse than traitors, against the crown." "The troops have been sent thither," he added, "to bring rioters to justice." Rigby spoke in the same strain; but Beckford, who represented the city of London, suggested that "it were best to repeal the late act, and conciliate the colonies by moderation and kindness." At length Lord North, the organ of the ministry, gave his opinion. "I am against repealing the last act of Parliament," said he; "I will never think of repealing it until I see America prostrate at my feet." This speech decided the question. The address was carried in the Commons without a division; and the House of Lords readily acquiesced. "We shall always," was the language of this address, "consider it as one of our most important duties to maintain entire and inviolate the supreme authority of the 1 Some writers have insinuated that Burke's defence of America was insincere, and that, "while vague rhapsodies about liberty decorated his harangues, his object was to introduce his party to power, and, by equivocal concessions to the American people, and flattering patronage of the Amierican chieftains, to purchase a pacific reconciliation capable of being corrupted afresh into dependence." Ann. Review, and Grahame, ii. 439, note. 2 On this debate see Lee's Lee, 261, 262; Cavendish Debates, i. 32 43, 90, 91; Johnson to Pitkin, Nov. 18, 1768; Boston Gazette for Jan. 23, 1769; and comp. Hutchinson, iii. 219. 3 For the address, see Debates in Parl. v. 13-15. In a pamphlet entitled "The State of the Nation," &c., published in Oct. 1768, Grenville appears as the advocate of American representation. "The number of electors," said he, "is become too small in proportion to the whole people, and the colonies ought to be allowed to send members to Parliament." |