lieving may have eternal life. The gospel is God's testimony to man upon this subject and for this end. The Church of God is organized to promote this object, and it is the aim of her faithful ministry to persuade sinful men to flee from the wrath to come, and to trust in their Redeemer for salvation. This is to live by faith upon the Son of God. Persuade the sinner cordially to believe upon him who loved him and gave himself for him, and a life of virtue is secured. We do not conceal our purpose of carrying the Gospel message to every land, and urging its acceptance upon every heart; and our prayer is that the Spirit of the Lord may accompany our message, and make it effectual unto salvation to every description of character. We do not except the most determined infidel in our proposal. We pray that all such may be saved.

2. The living christian cannot forget his Saviour while he mingles in the associations of his fellow men, or engages in the busy scenes of life. He carries with him his christianity, and he, by a faithful and enlightened discharge of his obligations, evinces that he has been with Jesus. In political life, whether it be at the poll, on the legislative floor, on the bench of justice, or in the executive chair, he will remember he is not his own; that he lives not for himself, and that the engagements of time are intimately connected with eternity; and he will accordingly deport himself. He cannot be a saint in the church and an infidel in the state.

3. The law of Christ is the christian's rule of conduct.The religion of the Son of God is the principle of his morals. His morality is the pillar upon which his devotion to the freedom of his country and of man rests. This code embraces all that can be found in the primitive law of our nature, and brings along with it additional light, motives, and influence, for the improvement of man in the various relations of life.Among these the political relations and ends of civil society are not forgotten. We have seen that civil order is the ordinance of God. Would it not be strange that it should be constituted and administered irrespective of its author? But it cannot be so. Its agents are inducted into office by a solemn appeal to the Supreme Being, and are understood as acting, in their official transactions, under a sense of their responsibility to the Judge of all the earth. The persons, the cha

racter, the property, the liberty, the morals, the religious rights of men, in the social state, are guarded by the solemnities of religion. The christian feels this with peculiar force, and exemplifies it in conduct. The influence of the religion of the Bible he causes to be felt in every land where he resides.The rights of the kingdom of the Redeemer will, through christian influence, be recognized, his cause will be protected against injury, and facilities will be afforded for its promulgation. In so far as this is done, Immanuel is confessed. When civil society, guided by christian influence, subserves the interests of righteousness, knowledge, and true religion, it is to be viewed as substantially, and really, and practically, bowing to Messiah. One form of this may be preferable to another, and the extent to which it is effected may in different places be different; but none of these forms should be disregarded. Each of them has its value. The particular shape of submission is of less importance than the substance—the practical submission itself.

4. The Son of God, in our nature, is exalted as the Church's Head; and to carry forward the designs of mercy to fallen man, he is Supreme over the nations. To the nations and their rulers the Spirit of God says-Kiss the Son. He is King of Kings and Lord of Lords. National society, resting upon its own proper foundation, the law of nature, is morally obliged to hearken to the voice of the subsequent revelation of the great Prophet of God, and is called upon to beautify and perfect its system, by the many advantages which this revelation brings along with it. He is Head over all things to the church.

The friend of the Redeemer and of the rights of man will not disregard this claim. In showing it due respect his aim will not be to turn the tabernacle of God into a wordly sanctuary, nor to transform his ministers into lords of his heritage. But it is the aim of every saint, according to his place and means, to extend the benign influence of the religion of Jesus Christ over every land and every character; to carry to every habitation of man the principles of truth, justice, peace and love; nor will the sons of Zion rest till these be felt in and over the mass of the nations, in their transforming influence. The infidel does not like the truths of the gospel; the profligate hates its pure morality; and hence their rude assaults on

He will do the infi

But let not the

del no wrong. He will spoil him of no right. avowed enemy of the Redeemer of man hope for the confidence of him who loves and honours that Redeemer. The enlightened christian will not by his gifts, arm and elevate the man who avows his hostility to all that he believes calculated to bless immortal beings, in time and through eternity. He will not requite his Redeemer for his love, by giving power to his enemy to make war more effectually against his throne. The dark page of the history of infidel misrule, furnishes the patriot on this subject, with an admonitory lesson. Let not the profligate murmur, if the friend of a pure morality refuse to him his suffrage.

POSITION VII.-In perfect accordance with the last position, it is held, that until a nation make it so by its own deed, the recognition of no principle peculiar to the system of grace, can be considered as necessary to the validity of its actual constitution of government, as a moral ordinance of God.

I am fully apprized of my liability in the assertion now made, to be misunderstood by some good men, and to be opposed by others who have confined their habits of thought upon this subject, too exclusively to the consideration of what ought to be, and what will be, the final attainments of society, not duly regarding the intermediate agency appointed of God for its accomplishment, nor considering what may be, and what ought to be admitted and embraced by the friends of social morality, as a step leading toward that which shall be ultimately gained. You will, therefore, indulge me in a few remarks illustrative of the position now stated.

1. The question, then, is not, whether a state has a right to apostatize from its moral attainments, and to cast off the obligations of its plighted faith. It is at once admitted that it may not so do. The question is not, in any given case, whether the community and its social institutions ought to be better; for the importance of progressive improvement is readily conceded. Nor is it a question, whether a nation may be justified in substituting oppression in place of equity, falsehood for truth, or wrong for right. It is not whether every, or any member of a state-it pursuing such a downward course— is bound to incorporate with the body politic, and run with it in

its chosen course of iniquity. The friend of sound morals has no doubt upon any of these points. They have all been discussed, and upon them many an upright man has acted; many an upright man has done more ;-he has submitted to inconvenience in not acting, when the case was doubtful, rather than impinge upon the peace of a good conscience; waiting until the providence of God should cast more light upon his path. Such a character, so conducting, will always command the respect of the virtuous, and be trusted as a man of rectitude..

2. The question is, whether a state just forming, or formed, not chargeable with apostacy, or constitutional oppression; embracing no immoral principle, and imposing no immoral act; but resting, by common consent, its constitution upon the principle of universal equity, in affording protection to persons, reputation, liberty, property, and the pursuits of virtue and happiness, is to be rejected as the work of the evil one, merely on the score of certain defects in the assertion of religious obligation. It is supposed to possess, substantially, all the fundamental principles of government, for the attainment of its more immediate and proper ends; and only to be defective in the recognition of things, in themselves, indeed, important, but incidental to the institution, and not radically belonging to it. This, it will be observed, is in some sort a new question. It has been glanced at in speculative discussions, but has rarely been examined as a practical inquiry. This aspect of the subject is that which is now before us, and it is worth while to employ some time and patience, to ascertain whether there be any circumstance that marks and distinguishes the condition of an individual, obliging him to stand aloof from a society so constituted. Such a state of society must not be confounded with one based on immorality, and maintained by unrighteousness. The exceptions justly taken to the establishments of anti-christianism, can have no place in the case now supposed.

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3. I sustain my position by the admitted truth, that civil order and its authority are not founded in grace. I take for granted that the foundation and superstructure may be homogeneous. If the one be legitimate so will the other; and though nothing of a nature superior to the foundation be introduced into the fabric, the system may be legitimate. Indeed

to give it legitimacy, according to its primitive institution, nothing that is unhomogeneous can be contended for. That which is supernatural may be, and in the case already specified, ought to be, superinduced upon what is natural. This may greatly, and in this case, does greatly improve it; but to its legal and moral being, it cannot be claimed as necessary.Nothing that is peculiar to the system of grace, is essential to the constitution of man as a social being, the subject of God's moral government; though there is much of it essential to his being, in the sight of God, a morally good man. Civil government in its institution, primarily and directly, contemplates man as a social, moral agent: his christianity is incidental to his being, of infinite moment, indeed, to his duty and his happiness, but neither essential to his constitution as a man, nor to the lawful fellowship of others with him, in the general concerns of man. In these facts we have the foundation of the whole matter. The application of the principle so far as this discussion is concerned, is very easy indeed. "Civil government is not founded in grace." God has not founded it there, and man may not. But when reared upon its own

proper basis, the law that is common to the family of man,nations favoured by his gospel, are authorized, nay, they are required to employ its light and its aids in beautifying and perfecting their political systems; but until they, by their own voluntary act, submit, less or more extensively, to the system of grace, introduce its principles, and build them upon the foundation already laid, nothing peculiar to that system is necessary to give legitimacy to their civil fabrics.

Do you then reply to this view of the subject: If all this be so, will it not follow, that nations may neglect the light of the Bible and yet be innocent? By no means. Nations which have access to the light of the gospel, and yet neglect it, greatly sin. Allow me to illustrate this remark by a case already referred to, that of marriage: The family that is formed and' lives in disregard of the system of grace, its principles, and institutes, in a land of gospel light, grievously sins. Yet if the fundamental laws of domestic society be observed, you recognize the legitimacy of the relation. This too, furnishes a remark to obviate another objection to this view of the subject -that it suspends the authority of God upon the will of man. This it does not. The authority of God, binding to duty, is