terror; since, if the sun could by its influence detach them from their force centrifugal, they would be absorbed with the swiftness of lightning into the centre, and like the fly allured by the light of the taper, be instantly consumed.

The powers given to executive governments for great national purposes, like those given to the sun, ought to be extensive, nor can they be dangerous if they are sufficiently balanced, and that balance preserved upon the very principle of centrifugal force; because the existence of a strong government, and the possibility of its misconduct, are the strongest securities of freedom. Every page of the history of Armata illustrates this important truth; since, in the same proportion that executive power has at different periods become the object of salutary jealousy, popular privileges have been uniformly strengthened from the abuses, and when at last a grand and glorious struggle to put an end to them for ever was crowned with the justest and most triumphant success, constitutional fear, which had for ages watched over and subdued them, unhappily fell asleep-the centrifugal force was lost ;-and power, stripped of its terrors, but invested with the means of dazzling and corrupting, soon began to undermine a system of government which the most formidable prerogatives had for ages been unable to destroy.

*

The prosperity which then exalted Armata, after all her dangerous divisions had been swept away by an auspicious renovation of her constitution, was unexampled, and although she has been thought by some to have risen much higher afterwards amidst a splendid career of national glory; yet she then perhaps touched her meridian height, not having at that time embarked in an habitual system of expenditure, beyond the golden medium just adverted to, her debt being then no larger than to create a wide spread interest to support the state, but leaving what might be fairly termed the full fruits of industry and talents, subject to no tormenting visitations of a prodigal government, which can in the end have no escape from bankruptcy but by rendering its subjects bankrupt. In the first condition of a nation, the people may be compared to the crew of a well manned vessel in a prosperous voyage, called upon for no exertions but to forward her in her course: the second may be better likened to the toils and sufferings of a tempest. when the ship can only be kept even in doubtful safety, by incessant pumping, when all hopes of advantage are extinguished, and the only principle of obedience is the preservation of life.'pp. 36-48.

Morven then takes a rapid but impressive view of the political history of the Hesperian (American) war, one of the first fruits of the lust of dominion, or rather of revenue, beyond the ⚫ usefulness or even the capacity of enjoyment.' In answer to the question, How could it possibly happen, that with so cele'brated a constitution as he himself had described, and when the people had obtained so complete a control over the public councils, they should have suffered so unjust and ruinous a war to be so long persisted in, contrary to their most ma

'nifest interests, and in the face of the most enlightened ' opinions,' he replies,

The answer to your question involves one of the most curious and extraordinary changes that has ever taken place in the political history of any nation. In the earlier periods of that of Armata, though the sovereigns had more power, and the people's representatives were comparatively nothing in the balance, the Hesperian war could not have been carried on. The delegates of the people would have strenuously opposed it in every stage of its disastrous progress; the whole nation would have upheld them, and the government even, if not subdued, would have been over-awed and checked in its impolitic course; but before this period, the ancient system of the government had been completely inverted; the popular council, though in theory scarcely entitled to that name or character, had for ages fulfilled all the practical purposes of the most perfect representation; because, having the same interests with the universal mass of population, and nothing then existing to seduce them from the discharge of their duties, it mattered not by whom they were elected; but the time was arrived when the right of election became a vital principle. The crown was now possessed of a great revenue, which was rapidly increasing, and as the Commons had advanced in power and importance, it was thought convenient by its ministers to act no longer upon their own responsibility, even in the most ordinary details of business, but to take their constitutional opponents into pay, and make them ministers in their stead; well knowing that they could not possibly oppose, nor even censure the measures which were their own. Neither can it be matter of wonder that the people at large, though wise to a proverb, should be the dupes of so artful a contrivance. They had been long accustomed to regard every act of the executive power with the most jealous apprehension, and to consider the voice of their representatives, who had never betrayed them, as the Law and the Gospel. When they saw, therefore, the crown, upon this tremendous occasion, so humbly deferring to the wisdom, as it was called, of the national council; when its ministers were entirely behind the curtain, and every step that was taken was by the authority of their own servants, they threw their up into the air, and poured in addresses from every part of the island, offering their lives and fortunes in support of the glorious contest; gifts which unhappily no opportunity was left them to recal, the personal supporters of the war being knocked on the head, and the pockets of the rest completely emptied. When the illusion was at length dissolved by disappointment and defeat, an universal hue and cry was raised against the whole system, set on foot by its loudest supporters; and the minis. ter of that day, a most able statesman, though in that matter most undoubtedly mistaken, and in private life one of the most agreeable and amiable of mankind, was attacked without measure or mercy. He manfully stood his ground; and, I am persuaded, with a clear conscience; maintained the policy and justice of his administration; but the most zealous of his adherents now seeing the clearest rea

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sons for condemning him, though none whatever existed which had not been as manifest from the outset, and many more finding it impossible from business to be in their places to defend him, though they had nothing at all to do, he was compelled to retire; and in a few weeks afterwards a man would have probably been mobbed in the streets, or perhaps imprisoned as a lunatic, if he had been rash enough to assert that the whole nation had been otherwise than mad, and without a lucid interval for fourteen years together.' p. 52-5.

This narrative naturally leads to a discussion of the defects in Armata's representative constitution, which are radically traced to the influence arising from the administration of a great revenue.

A sufficient guard had not been placed upon this influence in the public councils, without which no forms of election, however free and extensive, can secure a wise and prudent administration; but the evil must manifestly be greater when the popular council, erected as the balance of a monarchical state, does not emanate from the people, but in its greater part from the crown which is to be balanced, and from a body of nobles, powerful from rank and property, who are to be balanced also; and who have besides a scale properly allotted to them, in which their great weight is judiciously deposited. It must be obvious to the meanest capacity that if those very powers which are thus to be balanced can create or materially influence the antagonist power, the constitution must at all events be theoretically imperfect.' pp. 58, 59.

Judging, as men are wont to do, from their own immediate circle of information, the inhabitants of this world may perhaps be inclined to suspect, that there was more of courtesy than of honesty in the qualification which Morven introduces into his statement of the imperfection of the Armatan constitu tion; and that a defective representation would be likely to have produced practical imperfection' as well in one planet as in another: indeed, looking to subsequent statements, of the matter of fact kind, which make their escape incidentally in the course of discussion, we believe the suspicion is not altogether unfounded.

To select where all is of equal importance, and equal interest, is a matter we scarcely know how to accomplish; we must therefore decline following the Author in his disquisitions on the character and causes of Armata's present embarrassments, which occupy the latter half of the fragment.' While, however, we husband our own labour, we would uno flatu, and for the very same reasons, exhort our readers to bestow especially upon this portion of the work their utmost attention.

Of the "Second Part of Armata," which has very recently issued from the press, the range of subjects are of a lower scale of importance, but they are touched throughout with the hand of

a master. As we descend, however, to the details of domestic life, the air of fiction becomes cumbrous, not to say intrusive, and the writer has evidently been glad to get rid of it, wherever he could do so with decorum. The larger portion of the book is principally remarkable as shewing, what we have occasionally observed in the intercourse of private life, namely, how amusingly and philosophically men of transcendent talents and important avocations can sometimes stoop to generalize upon subjects which, in the detail, can hardly be supposed to have ever passed through their minds.

We scarcely expected to find the discoverer of the new world, philosophizing upon such things as Man-traps-Road travelling-Hyde-Park dust-Affrays of Coachmen at Grand RoutsMen's Coats or Ladies' Bonnets. If we know any thing of the reputed author of Armata, the cut or colour of men's coats, is the very last thing that ever occupies his consideration when walking through the streets; although, as we do not wish to cast the shadow of an imputation upon his gallantry, we will not venture to suppose that he is equally indifferent to the head-dresses of our fair country-women;-but it certainly remained for the appearance of Armata to testify to the public, how well qualified a certain illustrious person, is, in addition to his many other talents, to become the rival or the compeer of the ingenious author of "Horace in London."

On one of the subjects connected with fashionable life, which be has incidentally discussed, we are anxious to come to a better understanding, viewing it as we do as a matter of no trifling importance to the cause of Morality, and to the amount of human happiness. We confess, that we were taken by surprise at the very unqualified manner in which the generally prevailing ideas upon that subject, are here discountenanced by one so competent, from his deep and varied knowledge of the world, to arrive at a correct judgement. We allude to the influence of high-bred life and habits upon the tone of the female character.` After discussing at considerable length, and with much inge, nuity, the merits and demerits of the system of fashionable routs, Anglicè, suffocation, as opposed to the more rational and edifying plan of moderate private parties, but which it seems they have nearly supplanted in the metropolis of Armata, as well as in that of England, the Author proceeds:

I was the more surprized at this strange perversion of taste, and abandonment of all comfort, when I was afterwards introduced into their private societies, which were every where delightful.I forbear to dwell upon them, lest I should seem to be casting into the shade even English accomplishments and beauty.-1 shall content myself therefore with saying, that almost every woman I saw, when drawn out from the confused masses where I had seen them

before, or rather not seen them, appeared like the sun himself when emerged from clouds that had obscured him.-From the great care, even from infancy, of their hair, their teeth, their complexions, and their whole persons, beauty had almost ceased to be a distinction, and when I afterwards became acquainted with their language, I found them so amiable in their dispositions, and captivating in their manners, so delightful in conversation, so highly accomplished, so well instructed in all useful knowledge, and so domestic in the midst of allurements all around them, that had my heart been disengaged, it must have been at a loss where to fix. Most of them indeed, when in youth, "might have lain by an Emperor's side to "command him tasks."-And as to those who had passed that prime season, I found them also, upon acquaintance, to be just what the wisest of us in England would wish to see in the dearest of our kindred or our friends. I met with very few who were debauched in their principles, or disqualified by habits of dissipation for the offices of domestic life; they knew all that women ought to know; they spoke of the scenes they mixed in very much as I have done myself, and preserved, in the midst of them, the same moral feelings, the same affection for their families, and the same attention to their duties, that the simplest times ever knew.' pp. 97—8.

This is certainly a very delightful picture, and little as we profess to have to do with the fashionable world, we are much mistaken if we do not know enough of it, to be able to identify it with real life. But it is not of individuals that we understand the Author of Armata to be speaking it is of an order of society; and an order of society can be spoken of, as such, only by its generic character; and we confess that, with every inclination to be open to conviction, we feel great misgivings upon this topic. În alluding more especially to the tone of sentiment prevailing in high life upon the sanctity of the connubial relation, and the general chastity of the female character, we cannot be justly accused of selecting one invidious particular, because, were any one to attempt to persuade us that a woman may be a very virtuous and a very estimable woman, notwithstanding she has adopted a low scale of sentiment on these points, our answer, and the answer of every man of common sense, would be, that we had something else to do than to attend to his argument. None can despise more than we do, the insinuations of vulgar slander, or the prejudices of ignorant credulity; but we are not prepared to say, even after reading the flattering declaration of the Author of Armata, that the general feeling upon this subject can be referred to either of those sources. We appeal to those who are conversant with the class of writings understood to emanate from persons moving in fashionable circles, or to be descriptive of the manners of those circles ;—we appeal to those who are in the habit of devoting their leisure hours to the perusal of such works as the 66 Six Weeks at Long's," whether there is not a concurrence,