THE physicians of Europe have declared their patient to be convalescent, and in a condition to be freed from the guardianship of his keepers. At this time the troops of many nations are marching home, carrying with them into their respective countries the lessons they have learned during a time of unexampled warfare. The principles that have been discussed in this eventful period, which at one time they have been engaged in supporting, at others in opposing, cannot fail of making an impression on a soldier's mind; and when he merges in the decline of life into the civil state, his natural garrulity will bring them forward, and awaken in the minds of the new generation thoughts to which, but for this tempest of war, they might long have been unaccustomed.

Our eyes are naturally turned to that country, which at one time gave, and now receives, the law from the rest of Europe. What will be its future state? What will be the result of its wonderful energies? One thing seems to be certain, that it can never be brought into the state in which it was before the Revolution. The displaced elements can never be brought again into their former condition. The present generation, nurtured in the storms of revoJution, can never think as its predecessors did, can never be brought under the same trammels of oppression. Every thing is changed since 1789, from what it was before that memorable era, and the mixture of new and old will subside, probably, into something, of which we cannot at present form any idea.

Before the Revolution, France was go verned by a monarchy, which had overcome all the barriers to its power, established by the constitution of France in the time of Henry the Fourth. It had just obtained the victory and established a military government, when unforeseen events produced its downfal. With the monarchy fell the nobility, the priesthood, monkery, the barbarism of the law, feudality, tithes. Seven thousand names of men were destroyed in an instant; but the agents of destruction were not skilled in the art of rebuilding, and the mighty arm of power, with gigantic force, destroyed the tyrants and established a tyranny with greater horrors and less refinements than that which preceded it. The tyrant was himself at last hurled from his throne, and now, on a distant island of the Atlantic, is fretting

away his hours, and affording another instance to the moralist of the vanity of human ambition.

France has passed through a terrible state of discipline, but the country remains im. proved rather than deteriorated in its powers of fertility, and its population is not decreased. It has now, as before, a sovereign at its head, but that sovereign had been declared a traitor, and his way to the throne was prepared by the arms of foreigners. It has now, as before, a body of nobility, but composed of very different materials: there is the old and the new nobility, and to amalgamate them will be a task of no small difficulty; for the old nobility is itself divided, and if it boasts of the renown of its ancestors, the new can, in their own persons, claim as much distinction for what are called glorious actions, as the founders of the ancient families.

The old nobility consists of those whose fidelity remained inviolate to the exiled family during the long course of its misfortunes, and of those who gave way to circumstances, and did not disdain to make part of the court of Bonaparte. The former returned in general with all the folly and pride attached to its former state, few of them instructed by their misfortunes, and capable of appreciating the change in the class below them, which had been the objects of their contempt. They have now to mix not only with their equals, whom they deem inferior to them for returning home and accepting places under the old government, but also with the new nobility, whose titles were conferred by him whom they deem to have been an usurper. All are equally capable of holding places; and in the house of peers, old and new nobility are jumbled together, and the collision will gradually wear out prejudice.

Another shock to the ancient nobility is in the constitution of the representative body, a place in which will be an object of ambition. There the head perhaps of one of the most ancient families, become a representative, must associate not only with the new nobles, but with commoners. His family gives him no pre-emineuce, and by associating with the heads of his party, who may be of ignoble birth, he will learn that respect to talent, of which he could have no conception whilst he felt himself connected with his own cast only, and that a cast which was assuredly inimical to the country.

The commons are thus raised by the Revolution to a level, under which they had been so long and so basely kept, and to which they could not have thought of aspiring; and what this change will produce, nothing but experience can discover, In fact, the change is the greatest in the condition of the commons. They are no longer the base and servile race, trampled upon by the nobility; they feel that they are men, and will act accordingly. They have seen enough of the folly of birth without talents and without property, and the Revolution has thrown into their hands so much property, that they can now maintain their consequence. A body of independent yeomanry is formed, and they who wish to arrive at distinction, must now cultivate their friendship, as they formerly bowed down to a minister, or intrigued for places at a court.

But the greatest change is that of the clergy. They are no longer the proud domineering body, possessing a third nearly of the lands in the kingdom, trampling upon liberty of conscience, and setting on dragoons to massacre or carry to the galleys those who professed a different faith from themselves. They have lost not only their property, but the respect attached to their profession is vanished. Their frauds have been so completely detected, that it is in vain to resort to their ancient tricks. They may have processions, and reproduce the rags and reliques of saints, but these are the objects of the ridicule of the higher classes, and few, even of the lowest, place any confidence in them. Great efforts will undoubtedly be made to keep up the old superstition, but it appears to be in vain. Unhappily also, few traces as yet appear of a better system-of the religion of Christ being embraced in the simple colours in which it was at first proclaimed to the world. The established religion is the Catholic, but there is tole ration for other sects, and their situation may in future become an object of impor

tance.

The two sects which are rising into consequence, are the Lutheran, and that which adheres to the faith originating with Calvin at Geneva. The former has its head-quarters at Strasburgh; the latter depends upon Geneva, and probably follows very much the change that has taken place in the doctrines of that town. Formerly this sect had its universities and schools, which produced eminent scholars; but the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes levelled them to the ground, and deprived France of the advantage it might have received from them, by their defence of Christianity against the attacks of modern infidelity. How far this infidelity may have introduced itself

into the sect, it is not easy to determine; but if France is to be morally regenerated, we must look rather to the exertions of the Protestants than the Catholics; and it is certain that this great kingdom cannot remain long in its present state of neutrality.

But the great thing which remains in suspence, and on which the future pros perity of the kingdom chiefly depends, is the liberty of the press. Circumstances have seemed to defend certain restraints imposed upon it, but if they are to be continued, and the question will probably be brought to an issue in the approaching winter, the state of France will remain for some time longer unsettled. That it will finally break its chains cannot be doubted. There is evidently, not only in that country, but in all Europe, a new spirit bursting forth, which animates all minds to examine into those principles by which they have hitherto been regulated, and to cast off many of those unworthy prejudices, the fruit of a few hundred years' slavery, by which one class has arrogated to itself lordship and dominion over their fellowcreatures. Such a spirit, under the guidance of Christian feelings, can tend only to good, but how far it may be checked by tyranny, or abused by faction, we must leave to posterity to determine.

The congress at Aix-la-Chapelle differed from that in 1748-1749, which was assembled to give peace to Europe, and finished its discussions by the celebrated treaty under the name of that of Aix-laChapelle. The peace then settled was soon broken, and the subscribing parties forgot with great ease all the promises of future amity and benevolence. In the present instance, the sovereigns themselves conferred together, but it may be doubted whether their decisions will be more permanent. Russia, Prussia, Austria and England, were the chief powers; the latter represented by its minister, distinguished rather by his appearance at such discussions, than his skill in diplomacy. The great point settled is, the retreat of the troops from France, and the restoration of that power to its former independence and consequence among the nations. But much more than that has undoubtedly been done, and in the approaching meeting of parliament much will come out, and be subject of discussion. If nothing has been settled, but what is equally beneficial to sovereign and subject, the meeting will have passed off in a most remarkable manner; and if any thing has been done through ignorance or design to the injury of the latter, the state of the world is such, that the scheme will be rendered abortive. One circumstance attending this celebrated

meeting is to be noticed. The chief character evidently in it was the Emperor of Russia, the most despotical of all the powers, and his influence, which at the former treaty at this place was not equal to that of some of the annulled republics, was now preponderant. From him no danger was to be apprehended for the liberty of the subjects, for in his vast dominions he is employed in ameliorating their condition. The introduction, how ever, of this northern power into European policy, cannot but produce hereafter very striking effects. Spain, which, two hundred years ago, was the paramount authority, is now sunk to the ground; France, which succeeded to that pre-eminence, is in a very doubtful situation; Germany is too divided to act to any purpose; and the day may come, when even England may lament that it joined in overthrowing the petty republics, and in contributing to give so decided a superiority to a power more Asiatic than European.

A dispute between two powers in Germany, Baden and Bavaria, is supposed to have occupied some part of the deliberations of this royal congress. In the cutting out, dividing, dismembering, arranging, annihilating states at the former congress of Vienna, where parties put in their claims for compensations, and pieces of land here and there were chopped and changed about to answer them, Bavaria it seems was to have been rewarded with something in Baden, which the latter power was not well inclined to give up. Force at one time seemed likely to be called in to settle the dispute, but it is now said to be arranged by the arbitration of the higher powers. This is a better mode of settling the difference, for these petty princes could not have gone to loggerheads, without involving in a short time the rest of Europe in their quarrels.

One circumstance must give unmixed satisfaction to the lovers of liberty in all parts of the world. In this high and mighty congress, Spain was not of the least importance. Her disputes with her colonies were not permitted to form a part of the discussion. She is not to receive any aid from Europe in her contest. If she can reduce her colonies to their ancient slavery and re-establish her Inquisition, it must be by her own efforts; and in her present paralyzed state, this, happily for mankind, seems to be a hopeless task. Au event, that occurred at Madrid at the opening of the congress, was not favourable to the Spanish application. Ferdinand in an instant turned off his ministry, and in a way which is a good specimen of the misery of arbitrary The monarch sends some governments.

guards to the houses of his ministers at the dead of night, seizes their persons, and conveys them to a great distance from the capital, regardless of the confusion thus created in their families, or of any inconvenience or distress to themselves. At all times such a mode of proceeding creates disgust, but at a time like this it could not but be injurious to his own affairs: for his new ministry could be but little acquainted with previous proceedings, and it was not so easy to prepare his ambassadors at the congress to overthrow the suspicions, which must necessarily be entertained, of the weakness of a government which could resort to such measures. But all the proceedings in Spain tend only to the disgrace of the parties concerned in them. The late Cortez had given the country some idea of liberty; and the noble stand they made against the invaders of their country, rendered them worthy of a better fate. They cannot, however, rise till the loss of America is succeeded by such a degree of public spirit as shall introduce freedom of inquiry, and an end will then be put to these arbitrary mea

sures.

The accounts from Spanish America now concur in sanctioning the hope, that the tyranny of the mother country is for ever overthrown in the greater part of its colonies. On what is called the Spanish Main, the triumph of the insurgents is nearly complete, and all the levies of Spain would be unavailing to restore its dominion even in that quarter. How much less will they be able then to overpower the growing strength on the banks of La Plata, in Chili and Peru!

The king of the Netherlands has opened his parliament with a speech from the throne, full of good views of the present, and anticipations of the future welfare of the country. There, as in other places, they are employed in the instruction of the rising generation, and an enlightened representation will aid in promoting the efforts of a good government.

If peace should last, (and how much is contained in this term !) if peace should last, much will be done in every country for the good of mankind. For the preservation of it, then, every good man will pray, and that the minds of both sovereigns and people may be enlightened to understand their real interests. Enough of blood has been shed. Let them turn their views to the improvement instead of the destruction of each other, and they will find that the energies of war, grand as they appear in the eyes of the barbarian, are nothing compared with those which the pursuits of human happiness may produce.

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