looser vein at the cost of princes, and play upon their persons, qualities, and estates, whom the greatness of their births should privilege from such contumelies. We owe honour and respect to princes, of what party soever; whether they be friends, enemies, or neuters: And I thought this short apology due to my so much deplored subject, whom his miseries rendered to some contemptible, though, by others, he was truly honoured, in the midst of his disgraces and afflictions. The King of Sweden gave many brave testimonies of him, being forced oftentimes to give him a stop in the career of honour, lest courage should engage him too far, exhorting him to preserve his life, the good of his country, and the publick cause.

All the comfort of his subjects is contained in that generous unparalleled princess, and in her fair line, and numerous issue, which promiseth them one day an intire liberty, and the re-establishment and subsistence of a house so many ways considerable, as being one of the first, and most ancient of Europe.

The reader, I doubt not, will pardon this digression of the soldier, who held himself obliged to speak for a prince, who had been a long time the common butt of all afflictions and insultations. That which hath made him the more bold, and earnest in his defence, is the near alliance of this prince to mighty monarchs. I shut up all, concerning this point, in this assertion, that all princes have a common interest in the honour of their equals, and should all join to place their crowns and purple above the reach of envy.

The death of these two kings was sufficient to make the Germans approve of the calculation, and prognosticks of their great astrologer Herlicius, who had noted this month of November as fatal to great princes and commanders, and foretold by the aspects, and fiery constellations, the tragical encounters of these two great armies, and the death of such eminent persons, as may well compose the greatest part of the history of our time.

The Swedes were even wedded to sorrow for the death of their King, vowing they would more willingly have suffered the loss of many battles than that of him, if it had lain in their power to dispose of the arrests of heaven, and the fatal laws of the eternal Providence, which, with a diamantine point, marks all things, and gives them a character, which never can be changed, or defaced.

Indeed all the days of this month of November were at strife for superiority in evil, but the sixteenth overcame, to which all stories shall give a brand, in that it gave so strange an alteration to the face of Christendom. The battle fought on that day is ennobled by many memorable accidents, which exalt it above those of former ages. Amongst others, are remarkable the small number of the victors, and the multitude of the vanquished; the violent and furious charges, the durance of the fight, the doubtful event of the combate, when victory (as if she had been the daughter of Janus) had two faces, and looked two ways; the piles of the dead, the loss of eminent commanders, and the different effect which one and the same cause wrought in both parties, the King's death kindling indignation and desire of revenge in the bosom of the Swede; and the death of Pappenheim, and other

great commanders, begetting an astonishment in the hearts and looks of the Imperialists. And we may well affirm, that, amongst all the accidents of that saddest of days, this particular hath been most remarkable: that, the Swedes having lost their King in the first shock, this unparalleled mischance served rather to confirm, than shake their courage, and was one of the most apparent causes of the victory.

This also raised as high as heaven the King's renown, that in his fall he crushed in pieces so vast a body; and the hearts of his men were so inflamed with this his disaster, that, after his death, they made the palm and the lawrel to spring out of his blood. Nor was the life of this prince less famous than his death.

His youth was exercised in great affairs, which hardened his body to endure travel, and armed his mind against all sinister accidents, and infused into him a courage, which might easily be provoked, never subdued. The entry of his reign (which was the eleventh of this age, and the seventeenth of his) was thorny and salebrous. At one and the same time, he was confronted by the Danes, the Polonians, and the Muscovites, who on all sides assaulted him: and, though their motives to war were divers, yet all their intentions, like so many lines, met in this center, to ruin the Swede. Sometimes he shewed himself on the frontiers of Denmark, sometimes on those of Muscovy, sometimes again on those of Livonia, and all with that promptness and celerity, that his enemies believed his body to be ubiquitary. And his troubles were increased by the corruption of many of his subjects to a base revolt. But his valour, his dexterity, and the continual travel of his body and mind were such, that he passed through these, and greater impediments without stop, or diminution of his fame. His composition with the Danes and Muscovites was honourable, and to his advantage. The quarrel between him and the Polonian was not about any small petty territory, but the crown and scepter itself, and therefore hardly to be decided.

The prowess and agility of this king were such, that the Polonians saw him in all parts, like another Hannibal, before their gates; and, after many great losses received in Livonia, and Prussia, they took counsel of the pillow, and, to preserve the remainder of those countries unviolated, concluded to come to a treaty, on which attended a truce, which from their souls they wished had been a peace, whereby their repose might be eternised. Our youthful Mars had not a soul so narrow, as to be contented to wear only the lawrel of the North. More wreaths were prepared for him, and a theatre more spacious and glorious. Posterity will hardly believe, that what this prince hath done, was by a man feasible. That the conquest of so many vast provinces, and the ruin of so many armies, was the work only of two years, and a few months. That a puissant empire, formidable in her greatness, in her supports, in her extension, in her armies, in her conquests, and success, fortified with so many garisons, who hath for her bounds the ocean, and the Alps, should, in so short a time, be forced to put on the yoke. A man would think infinite forces were required, to menage well an enterprise of this nature and greatness.

The personal qualities of this prince were admirable. His external bravery consisted in a sweet, yet majestical aspect, in a comely stature, in a piercing eye, in a commanding voice, in an agility, and universal application to all such as might hinder, or further him. But the great guests, that lodged within, were far more illustrious; a quick spirit, a solid judgment, an incomparable wisdom, an inexpressible courage, an indefatigable nature, and an admirable conduct, which were the happy instruments of all his victories, and the embellishment of this rare piece. I may justly add his incampments, his discipline, his foresight, his direction, and unequalled industry. Nor was his readiness less in the disposition of his affairs, in the government of his men, and his complying with their several humours, which made him as well lord of hearts as provinces and cities. But, above all the rest, his devotion was conspicuous, and his frequent pious exercises, which received no interruption by his most serious employments: and (which draweth near to a miracle) he himself projected and executed all things. It sufficed not him to be only a general, but he would also be a captain, an engineer, a serjeant, a cannoneer, a common soldier, or of any military calling. The most dangerous occurrences dazzled not his judgment, but then was he most venturous, when his valour wa ́s nost required. He never formed a military project, in the execution whereof he would not himself make one: and (which bred in all amazement) he was never weary, though ever busied, as if action had been his nourishment. I will close up the panegyrick of this worthy with this affirmation, that in him all imaginable brave parts conspired to make him the greatest, and most able captain of Christendom.

There was nothing in him the least way blameable, but his choler, to which the least provocation gave fire; an humour familiar to fiery spirits chased with continual business, which often falls out cross: but he had a corrective ever ready, which was an overflowing courtesy, and sweetness to him natural, which stopped and repaired the breach his anger had made. For any hasty speech he would give satisfaction, not only to men of eminency, who might justly be offended, but to those also of the meanest condition, born to suffer. In acknowledg ment of his nature so apt to take fire at the least distaste, he would often say, 'That he was willing oftentimes to bear with others infirmities, as the flegm of some, and the wine of others, and that therefore reciprocally his choler deserved some support.' And, to say truth, this passion may challenge and win connivance from him, who shall duly consider his working spirit, never weakened, though ever bended; as also his extraordinary virtues, and his gentlenesss, which, upon 'occasion, made him familiar with the meanest of his soldiers; so far was he from being puffed up with prosperity, or raising his mind with his fortune.

Some note another oversight in this prince, that he did not better distinguish between the duties of a carabine, and a general, but exposed himself to all dangers, and was too prodigal of a blood so precious. To confess the truth, it is not so much to be wondered at, that he lost his life in this famous battle, as that he parted not with it long before, in so many encounters, where his life ran the same hazard with the basest

of his soldiers. And in his defence this may worthily be annexed, that the valour of his men depended on his example, and all his victories had for their original his presence, and forwardness in all battles, which, like a heavenly aspect, sent down influences and irradiations into the spirits of his soldiers, and terror and amazement into those of his enemies.

The soldier hath attempted to draw this prince to the life; and assures himself, that they, who have had the honour to see and serve him in his wars, will confess, that the pourtrait hath some air of his face, if not drawn to the life: and he believes withal, that they, who have felt the puissance of his arms, will be the first to extol and magnify his worth, that thereby they may lessen their own losses, justify their disgraces, and shew to the world, that so powerful an organ was required to operate on them with such success.

Amongst other circumstances, this is the most agreeable and worthy of observation, that this prince hath left his affairs in a state so prosperous and advantageous. The Swedish party is possessed of two thirds of Germany, of the best cities, of most of the rivers from the Vistula to the Danube and the Rhine: it hath also ten armies dispersed through the higher and lower Saxonies, Silesia, Moravia, Bavaria, Franconia, Suabia, Alsatia, and the circle of the Rhine. This party is also backed and countenanced within by the principal forces of the empire, and without by great kings and states, who think themselves interested in the support of It, and prefer sure friends before doubtful and wavering, who will eternally remember the least loss or affront received, and, opportunity serving, be ready to revenge it. To this may be adjoined the experience of the times past, which demonstrates unto us how well, in the Mantuan war, they requited the benefits received from that house at a dead lift; which serves for an infallible argument of their dealings.

It now remains, that the princes and states united continue to make good the advantages bequeathed them, by banishing all jealousies, suppressing of factions, extirpating of schisms and partialities, deciding of all disputes arising from their genealogies, by conferring offices on men not of great descent, but ability; by making use of the times present and past; by quickly seconding their consultation with action, and by a straight conjunction of their councils and forces to seek their own preservation in that of the empire: in any of which, being wanting, neither the care and pains of the deceased king, nor their own armies or advantages, can secure them from being a miserable prey to their enemies, and wretched spectacle to their friends.

The truth is, hitherto the princes and generals united have much abated the pride of the enemy, by deceiving his hopes and apprehen-. sions, and making it evident, by their proceedings, that they were not in vain so long trained up in the king's school, but were still mindful of his instructions and discipline; and that his death did but concenter and redouble their vigour. The Dukes of Weimar tread on Walstein's heels, whom some report to be wounded, others dead, in the forest which lies between Fravestein and Klostergrappe. If he be deceased, he serves as another sacrifice due to the king's tomb. Tubal keeps the

greatest part of Silesia and Moravia in obedience; the Prince of Birkenfield shuts up all passages to the Bavarians within the circle of Ingoldstadt and Ratisbon; Horne is master of Alsatia, and hath joined to it the conquest of Schletstadt; Colman and Kentzingon have Senfield, nothing remaining in those parts unconquered, but Fribourg, which they batter, and Brisac, which they play with. Baudisin marcheth through the Archbishoprick of Cologne without resistance, and traverseth his galleries (maugre the Count of Gransfield) from the river of Wesper, even to the gates of Cologne. The troops of Wirtemberg advance towards the Lake of Constance, and are resolved to make good proof of their courage. To be brief, the Swedes shew, that they have no great desire to repass the sea, any more than have the Germans to refall into their wonted slavery.

But, though the King of Sweden hath left his party in an estate prosperous, yet we must needs confess, that the enemy derives from his death great advantages, and that the expence of a little lead hath profited him as much as the gaining of many millions, in that the several heads of the Swedish armies are subject and prone to jealousies and misconceptions; which gives him means and opportunity to preserve what he yet holds, to calm seditions, to recall long-banished peace, and once more to replant her in the empire.

If he make good use of his losses and infortunities, we shall see him forthwith to abandon all counsels tending to blood or violence; to have a care, lest, by the oppression of princes, he make them desperate; to recall his strayed subjects by a general pardon of all their offences, and seek to reign by love, not fear. He will then no more violate peace and the publick faith, under the pretext of conscience, which ought to be persuaded, not forced, as depending on another tribunal than that of men. This way to rest and quiet he is invited also to take, and persist in, because he may now peaceably enjoy all his due rights and titles, the death of the king having cured him of the deadly fear he was in, lest this magnanimous prince should yet soar higher, and aspire to new diadems, and make good his anagram, by changing the name of Gustavus into Augustus.