days? Upon divers of the Lanes, for one man's sake of that name before-mentioned, that offered to take Killingworth Castle: Upon some of the Giffords, and others, for Throgmorton's sake; in his endless persecuting Sir Drew Drewry, and many other courtiers both men, and women; but especially Leicester was supposed to use this practice, for bringing the scepter finally to his own head; and that he would not only employ himself to defeat Scotland, and Arbeda to defeat Huntingdon; but also would use the marriage of the Queen imprison ed, to defeat them both if he could. Which marriage he being frustrated of, was not ashamed to threaten a treacherous vindication against her Majesty's royal person. But I hope her Majesty will set out a fair proclamation, with a bundle of halters for all such traitors.

Lawyer. I applaud your well wishings to the state; yet I do observe much by reading over our country's affairs; and, among other things, I do abhor the memory of that time, and do dread all occasion, that may lead us to the like in time to come; seeing that, in my judgment, neither the civil wars of Marius and Sylla, or of Pompey and Cæsar among the Romans, nor yet the Guelphians and Gibbelines among the Italians, did ever work so much woe, as this did to our poor country; wherein, by the contention of York and Lancaster, were fought fifteen or sixteen pitched fields, in less than an hundred years. That is, from the eleventh or twelfth year of King Richard the Second's reign, unto the thirteenth year of King Henry the Seventh. At what time, by outting off the chief titler of Huntingdon's house, to wit, young Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick, son and heir to George, Duke of Clarence, the contention was most happily quenched and ended, wherein so many fields were fought between brethren and inhabitants of our own nation. And therein about the same quarrel were slain, murthered, and made away about nine or ten kings, and kings sons, besides above forty earls, marquisses, and dukes of name; but many more lords, knights, great gentlemen, and captains, and of the common people without number, and by particular conjecture very near two hundred thousand. For that, in one battle fought by King Edward the Fourth, there are recorded to be slain, on both parts, five and thirty thousand seven hundred and eleven persons, besides other wounded persons, to be put to death afterwards, at the pleasure of the conqueror; at divers battles after, ten thousand slain at a battle: As in those of Barnet and Tewksbury fought in one year.

Schol. I pray, Sir, open unto me the ground of these controversies between York and Lancaster; I have heard a large relation thereof, but no original.

Lawyer. The controversy between the houses of York and Lancaster took its actual beginning in the issue of King Edward the Third, and Edmond Earl of Lancaster, whose inheritance fell upon a daughter named Blanch, who was married to the fourth son of King Edward the Third, named John of Gaunt, born in the city of Gaunt, in Flanders, and so by his wife became Duke of Lancaster, and heir of that house. And for that his son Henry of Bullingbrook pretended, among other things, that Edward Crookback was the elder son of King Henry the

Third, and unjustly put by the inheritance of the crown, for that he was crook-backed and deformed: He took by force the kingdom from Richard the Second, nephew to King Edward the Third, by his first son, and placed the same in the house of Lancaster, where it remained for three whole descents, until afterwards Edward Duke of York, descended of John of Gaunt's younger brother, making claim to the crown by title of his grandmother, that was heir to Lionel Duke of Clarence, John of Gaunt's elder brother, took the same from Henry the Sixth by force, out of the house of Lancaster, and brought it back again to the house of York. This, therefore, was the original of all those discords between them.

Gent. But let us not digress from our former discourse concerning Leicester's treacherous actions. I have a friend yet living that was toward the old Earl of Arundel in good credit, and by that means had occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolk in his chiefest affairs before his troubles; who did often report strange things from the duke's own mouth, of my Lord of Leiceister's most treacherous dealing towards him, for gaining of his blood, as after appeared true. This Leicester hath also deceived her Majesty divers times, in forging of letters as if they came from some prince, when they were his own forgery: he had likewise a hellish device to entrap his well deserving friend Sir Christopher Hatton, in matter of Hall his priest, whom he would have had Sir Christopher to hide, and send away; being touched and detected in the case of Ardent, thereby to have drawn in Sir Christopher himself, and made him accessary to this plot. What mean all these pernicious late dealings against the Earl of Shrewsbury, a man of the most ancient and worthiest nobility of our realm? It is only Leicester's ambitious mind, that causes all this.

But it is very strange to see, what a contemner of the prerogatives of England he is, and how little account he makes of all the ancient nobility of our realm, how he contemneth, derideth, and debaseth them: Which is the fashion of all such, as mean to usurp; to the end, that they may have none, who shall not acknowledge their first beginning and advancement from themselves.

His base and abject behaviour, in his last disgrace about his marriage, well declared what he would do, in a matter of more importance, by deceiving of Sir Christopher Hatton; and by abusing my lord treasurer in a letter, for which her highness did much rebuke him.

It was affirmed by many that all the broils, troubles, dangers, and disturbances, in Scotland, did proceed from his complot, and conspiracy.

His unworthy scandal, which he cast on the Earl of Shrewsbury, was perfidious; wherefore in regard of these innumerable treacheries, for preventing of succeeding calamities, to tell you plainly my opinion, and therewith to draw to an end of this our conference, I should think it the most necessary point of all, for her Majesty to call his lordship to an account among others, and to see what other men could say against him, at length, after so many years of his sole accusing and pursuing of others. I know and am very well assured, that no act,

which her Majesty hath done, since the coming to the crown, nor any that lightly her Majesty may do hereafter, can be of more utility to herself, and to the realm, or more grateful unto her faithful and zealous subjects, than this noble act of justice will be, for trial of this man's deserts towards his country.

And so likewise now to speak in our particular case, if there be any grudge or grief at this day, any mislike, repining, complaint, or murmur against her Majesty's government, in the hearts of her true and faithful subjects, who wish amendment of that which is amiss, and not the overthrow of that which is well, I dare avouch upon conscience that either all, or the greatest part thereof, proceedeth from this man. And, if her highness do permit, and command the laws, daily to pass upon thieves, and murderers, without exception, and that for one fact only, as by experience we see; how then can it be denied in this man, who in both kinds hath committed more enormous acts, than may be well recounted?

As in the first of theft, not only by spoiling, and oppressing almost infinite private men; but also whole towns, villages, corporations, and countries, by robbing the realm with inordinate licenses, by deceiving the crown, with racking, changing, and imbezzling the lands, by abusing his prince, and sovereign, in selling his favour, both at home and abroad, with taking bribes for matter of justice, grace, request, supplication, or whatsoever suit else may depend upon the court, or on the prince's authority,

In which sort of traffick, he committeth more theft oftentimes in one day, than all the way-keepers, cut-pursers, cozeners, pirates, burglares, or others of art that in a whole year within this realm.

As for the second, which is murder, you have heard before, somewhat said and proved; but yet nothing to that, which is thought to have been in secret committed upon divers occasions, at divers times; in sundry persons, of different calling in both sexes, by most variable means of killing, poisoning, charming, inchanting, conjuring, and the like; according to the diversity of men, places, opportunities, and instruments for the same. By all which means, I think, he hath more blood lying upon his head at this day, crying vengeance against him at God's hands and her Majesty, than ever had private man in our country before, were he never so wicked.

Whereto if we add all his intollerable licentiousness, in all filthy kind and manner of carnality, with all his sorts of wives, friends, and kinswomen. If we add his injuries, and dishonours done, hereby to infinite; if we add his treasons, treacheries, and conspiracies about the crown, his disloyal hatred against her Majesty, his perjury, his rapes, and most violent extortions upon the poor, his abusing of the parliament, and other places of justice, with the nobility, and whole commonalty besides; if we add also his open injuries, which he offered daily to religion, and the ministers thereof, by turning all to his own gain; if I say, we should lay together all those enormities before her Majesty, and thousand more in particular, which might and would be gathered, if his day of trial were but in hope to be granted: I do not see in equity and reason, how her highness sitting on the throne,

and at the royal stern, as she doth, could deny her subjects this most lawful request; considering that every one of these crimes, a-part, requireth justice of its own nature; and much more altogether ought to obtain the same, at the hand of any good and goodly magistrate in the world.

Before this discourse was fully ended, the night came on a-pace, and it being supper-time, the mistris came to call them to supper, wherefore their further speech was intercepted..

AN HONOURABLE SPEECH

MADE IN

THE PARLIAMENT OF SCOTLAND,

BY THE EARL OF ARGYLE

(Being now Competitor with Earl Morton for the Chancellorship)

The thirtieth of September, 1641, touching the Prevention of National Dissension, and Perpetuating the happy Peace and Union betwixt the two Kingdoms, by the frequent Holding of Parliaments.

London, Printed by A. N. for J. M. at the George in Fleetstreet, Anno 1641. Quarto, containing six pages.

My Lords.

WHAT

THAT was more to be wished on earth, than the great happiness this day we enjoy? viz. To see his Royal Majesty our native Sovereign, and his loyal subjects of both his kingdoms, so really united, that his Majesty is piously pleased to grant unto us, his subjects, our lawful demands, concerning religion and liberties, and we his subjects of both nations, chearfully rendering to his Majesty that duty, affection, and assistance, which he hast just cause to expect from good people, and each nation concurring in brotherly amity, unity, and concord, one towards the other.

Oh, what tongue is able to express the honour and praise due to that great and good God, who in these late commotions suffered not the counsels of either kingdom to despair of the safety of either com monwealth, but through his blessing to their painful and prudent endeavours hath wrought such an happiness for us; that the great toil and trouble which we have on both sides so long endured, now, after we may each man with his wife, children, and friends, under his own

vine and fig-tree, and all under his Majesty's protection, refresh himself, with the sweet fruits of peace? Which I beseech the lord of peace to make perpetual to both nations.

And, to that end, my earnest desires are, that all our best studies and endeavours may be employed, for some time, in contriving and establishing such wholesomelaws in both kingdoms, whereby, as much as in us lies, the opportunity and occasion of producing the like calamities, as lately threatened both nations, may, for the future, be prevented, if in any age hereafter such miscreants shall go again to attempt it.

It is, my lords, notorious, that the late incendiaries, that occasioned the great differences betwixt his Majesty and his subjects, took much advantage and courage by the too long intermission of the happy constitution of parliaments, in the vacancy of which they, by false informations, incensed his Majesty against his loyal subjects, and by their wily insinuations extorted from his Highness proclamations for to yield obedience to their innovations in the kirk, and patents for projects, whereby the poor subject was both polled and oppressed in his estate, and enthralled in his conscience; and thus, by their wicked practices, his Majesty was distasted, and his subjects generally discontented, insomuch that, had not the great mercy of God prevented them, they had made an obstruction betwixt his Majesty, and his liege people, and had broken those mutual and indissoluble bonds of protection and allegiance, whereby, I hope, his Royal Majesty, and his loyal and dutiful subjects of all his three kingdoms, will be ever bound together. To which let all good subjects say, Amen.

My Lords, the distaste of his Majesty, nor discontents of his subjects, could never have come to that height they did, nor consequently have produced such effects, had not there been such an interposition, by these innovators, and projectors, betwixt his Majesty our glorious sun, and us his loyal subjects, that his goodness appeared not, for the time, to us, nor our loyalty and obedience to him. For no sooner was that happy constellation, the parliament in England, raised, and thereby those vaporous clouds dissipated, but his Majesty's goodness, his good subjects loyalty, and their treachery evidently appeared.

Our brethren of England, my lords, finding the intermission of parliaments to be prejudicial and dangerous to the state, have taken care, and made provision for the frequent holding of them; whose prudent example my motion is may be our pattern forthwith to obtain his Majesty's royal assent, for doing the like here in this kingdom. By which means his Majesty may in due time hear, and redress the grievances of his subjects, and his subjects, as need shall require, chearfully aid and assist his Majesty; and not only the domestick peace and quiet of each kingdom be preserved, but likewise all national differences, if any happen, may be, by the wisdom of the assemblies of both kingdoms, from time to time composed and reconciled, to the perpetuating of the happy peace and union betwixt both nations.