ceives his authority from the acts of the legislature, and not from the acts of the apostles, and his oath obliges him to profane the day which he conceives to be holy, by performing civil actions, for he has no authority to officiate, except on the time which is holy. When he rises on Sunday morning, instead of having his mind disentangled from earthly things, he is watching the fields and the roads; when going to meeting, instead of watching to prepare his heart for the solemnities of the day, he is watching how others behave; when at meeting, his eyes and his ears, which should be open alone to God, and to his word, are constantly looking and harking to prevent the errors of others. And thus, by law, he is obliged to do evil that good may come. However others may seek to regulate religious societies by law and by force, to me a man cannot give greater evidence that he is ignorant of the precepts and destitute of the spirit of Christianity, than by calling the aid of the civil arm to legalize religious days and modes, and punish those who will not submit. I shall close this part of the subject, with a few reflections on some late events. When the British, (who are called the bulwark of religion,) landed near Saybrook, it was Sunday. The good people of Connecticut would not assemble to drive them off, because it was holy time, until the enemy had burnt the shipping at Pettipague. The God whom they served did not protect them from the depredations of the old "Bulwark." But on Lake Champlain, the "Bulwark" attacked McDonough on Sunday. McDonough solemnly prayed for success, and then fought with astonishing bravery. The signal victory which he obtained over the "Bulwark," together with what was achieved by the land forces, under General Macomb, have met with the thanks and rewards of more states than one. I have not yet heard, however, whether the pious apathy of Connecticut, or the profane heroism of the northern fleet and army, meets with the most applause from those who conceive Sunday to be holy time. It is highly probable, however, that there were no tything-men aboard McDonough's fleet. The public assembling of Christians for religious worship, is certainly appointed in the New Testament by precept, and abundantly by example. And, as has been noticed, the evidence is nearly conclusive, that the first Christians generally assembled on the first day of the week, not with a view that it was of moral obligation—not in obedience to the fourth command of the decalogue, which enjoined the observance and rest of the seventh day—nor in obedience to any command given them by Christ, but voluntarily, as a prudential thing, to perpetuate the event of Christ's resurrection. Their public assembling, however, was not confined to the first day of the week, but daily, in the temple and other places, both day and night, as opportunity served, they assembled for Christian worship. There were some among them, who did not discover any advantages in their assembling on the first day more than on any other day, and, as the day was not divinely appointed, those who regarded it, did not judge and set at nought those who regarded it not, but left every man to be fully persuaded in his own mind. SUMMARY. 1. God, for once, rested on the seventh day. 2. No proof that God commanded men to rest on the seventh day during the patriarchal age. 3. About two thousand four hundred years after creation, the holy sabbath was enjoined on the tribes of Israel. 4. The fourth commandment was not moral, but absolute. 5. The sabbath was not a day of public worship, but of rest. 6. After the return of the Jews from Babylon, of their own accord they built synagogues, and assembled in them every sabbath, to read and hear the law of Moses and the prophets, for which they had no command, and received no reproof. 7. The Gentiles were never reproved for sabbath-breaking. 8. The first day of the week was never appointed by Christ, to be kept different from other days. 9. Proof, nearly conclusive, that the first Christians paid particular attention to the first day of the week; those who did not regard the day, were not judged and set at nought by those who regarded it. 10. The observance of the first day of the week, perpetuates the resurrection of Christ. 11. The appointment of religious days, no article of legislation. 12. The observance of the first day of the week was never enforced by law until the reign of Constantine, in the beginning of the fourth century. 13. Tything-men are obliged, by their oaths, to profane the time which they conceive to be holy. 14. The public assembling of Christians for religious worship, enjoined by New Testament precept, and abundant examples. JUNE 15, 1815. Mr. Printer—In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, when wizards and witches were abundant, her majesty established a court for the trial of witches. An ignorant peasant, (not rightly conceiving of the design of the court, and concluding that the honorable bench were only to inform persons who suspected themselves, whether they were witches or not,) took a journey of about sixty miles, when the court was in session, to be examined. Entering the solemn hall, he addressed the court as follows: "May it please your worship! I am come to be examined whether I am a wizard or not. My wife tells me that I am a witch; and, I have a mole on my breast, which my mother said was a witch-teat; and having strange cogitations of mind, I am suspicious of myself, and have come to be examined whether I am a wizard or not." The decision of the court, and the reception which the old peasant received from his wife, on his return, I shall not detail; but, with all the honesty of the old peasant, shall relate to you my moles, marks, and cogitations, and request yourself, or some of your readers, to tell me what I am. In the administration of Mr. Adams, the democrats, by publishing a great deal of truth, and a little falsehood, completely run down the stupendous system of administration, which greatly disturbed me, and I took the holy, patriotic resolution, that by publishing a great deal of falsehood, and a little truth, I would run down the democratic administration; which resolution I have pursued ever since, but have not yet succeeded. When the act that established the court of sixteen judges was repealed, I boldly declared that the constitution was destroyed; which declaration I have repeated in every essential measure of government, from that time until the present. And, yet, I fully approved of the Hartford convention, which owned that the constitution did exist, and resolved to have it amended in seven particulars. The constitution, I know, bears the signature of Washington; but those who stick to it, are under the influence of Bonaparte, and I am a Washingtonian to the back-bone. When Mr. Jefferson presided, my constant cry was," protect our trade, secure our naval rights," &c. When the embargo was laid, I pronounced it "worse than war. When war was declared, I said it was unjust, impolitic and unnecessary. The disasters of Hull, Van Rensselaer, Winchester, and Wilkinson, gave me pleasure under the jacket, but, with a sanctimonious grimmace, I would say, "poor creatures! how my fellow men suffer the fault lies somewhere! Our government were wicked in declaring war, and incompetent to manage it." Such sermons I often preached, with a view to disparage those in power, and get myself and my partizans into their seats. I sometimes doubted the moral rectitude of my conduct for a moment; but, when I reflected that the ends I had in view were sufficient to justify the most deceitful means, it eased my conscience from such childish scruples. The bravery of the American troops at Niagara—the victories of Erie, Champlain, and New Orleans, I am obliged to own, have not been exceeded since the age of miracles ceased. That the war was justly waged, I will not believe. That God would succeed an unjust war, I dare not say. However, I ease myself of this dilemma, partly by saying it was done by the genius of the people, distinct from government, and partly, by hoping that the democrats are so stupid that they will not discover any inconsistency in my sayings and doings. The victories and captures on sea, have given me pleasure and pain. Pleasure, to see naval defence successful. In this particular, I can say, "I told you so; which establishes my character as a man of forecast. Pain, to think that our best friends who have done us no essential injury, the very bulwark of our religion, should lose sixteen hundred of their ships, with their rich cargoes. When Bonaparte was sent to Elba, and Louis ascended the throne, I grew fat; the jig I concluded was nearly over; and the movements of the British army at Washington, exactly corresponded with my wishes. Had that army succeeded in catching Madison and sending him to Elba, my joy would have been full; I should have burst all the buttons from my jacket; but, to my chagrin, Madison made his escape. My joy, however, was considerable in blasting Madison for cowardice, and complimenting him with smoky walls; this joy, nevertheless, was somewhat allayed, when the British, near Baltimore, (the nest of democrats,) were repulsed, and lost a thousand men, including their commander and Sir Peter Parker. What a pity that lords and sirs must fall by the barbarous hand of low-bred democrats! Notwithstanding all, I rejoiced, and kept thanksgiving for the downfall of Napoleon, and chanted forth, "How art thou fallen, Oh Lucifer, son of the morning." The return of Napoleon, it is true, has astonished the world, but I hope his triumphs will be short. I trust that the combined powers, with their armies, will soon destroy him; for it is not war that I am principled against, it is only war with Great Britain. The late treaty of peace is an unkind affair to me. I once said that the government could not be kicked into war, and did all in my power to prevent, not the aggression of Great Britain, but the declaration of war, to fulfil my prediction; but I failed—war was declared. I then said that Great Britain would never make peace while Madison presided; and used to tell my neighbours, at election terms, that the democrats had plunged them into a ruinous war; but, if they placed the Federalists in power, peace would immediately follow; but peace is made while Madison presides, without the aid of Federalists, or the Hartford convention. But even here, I find some food to cheer me. Great Britain has not agreed to desist from a single thing that the war was declared for; the democrats, therefore, I say, have lavished blood and treasure for nothing. There is one staff that supports me more than all the rest, viz. taxes. At the close of the revolutionary war, the national debt was about seventy millions of dollars, which increased to eighty millions in twelve years. This increasing debt was a very popular argument for the democrats; and, as that debt was diminished more than forty millions of dollars in the eight years of Mr. Jefferson's administration, democracy wore a bold front; but now, thank my stars, the scale is turned. The late war has greatly increased the debt, and this I am resolved to play off against the government, and all those that support it. No doubt there will be different statements of the amount of the debt; but, I am determined to believe the largest, which will strengthen my arguments the more: for have the art of believing and saying whatever appears most ikely to sup. plant the democrats, all under the garb of religion and good order; and never intend to quit the pursuit, until the object is gained; for, as long as Mordecai sits in the king's gate, everything else avails me nothing. One cogitation more I have to communicate, viz., I am resolved to blacken the characters of Monroe, J. Q. Adams, and Gov. Tompkins, and eulogize King, Pickering, and Strong. Now sir, if yourself, or any other man will tell me what I am, you will much oblige your humble servant. BROKEN LEG. 57 |