prevents injury. I am no physician, but should judge that those who die by drinking cold water, in hot weather, might prevent it by a tea-spoon full of spirits. Rum, unqualified, is disagreeable to my nose, my mouth, my throat, and my bowels—but when qualified with sugar and water, it is agreeable enough—but I have no longing after it. I have never used but a little wine the little, however, has been friendly to my health and spirits. I believe no one abhors drunkenness more than myself. A drunkard is a disagreeable object. Drunkenness has slain more thousands than Buona. parte did individuals. Add duelling to it, and the call is as loud for the Hindoos to send their missionaries among us, to reform drunkards and duellists, as it is for us to send missionaries among them, to turn them from idolatry and immolation. But still the good book says, "Give strong drink to those who are ready to perish, and wine to those who are of heavy heart. Drink a little wine for thy stomach's sake, and often infirmities. Every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving." EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO COL. R. M. JOHNSON, The message is lengthy, but not superfluous. Long as it is, I wish it contained another solemn warning to Congress, to do nothing, in a legislative capacity, that would have any bearing on religious opinions. A large number of the people, in concert, have petitioned Congress to stop the transportation of the mail on Sunday, because they believe, in their consciences, that Sunday should be kept holy and free from all servile labor. The report of the committee of the Senate, last session, on the petition, is replete with candor and strength of argument; the radical parts of which never have and never can be confuted; but still it has not put the matter to rest. New memorials are to be presented to Congress -perseverance is urged—irreligion is trumpeted, and the learning and religion of the petitioners are to outweigh all opposition. The constitution of the United States is a charter of powers granted and rights retained; among all the enumerated powers given to Congress, there is none that authorises them to determine which day of the year or week the people shall abstain from labor or travel. Should they, therefore, make such a powerless law, it would be unconstitutional. There are many thousands in the United States, who conscientiously keep the seventh day of the week for Sabbath. Should Congress stop the transportation of the mail on the seventh day, and continue it on Sunday, what would the petitioners says? Would they not complain of a partiality shown to the Sabbatarians, to the grief of the Sundarians? It amounts to nothing to say there is a majority who prefer the observance of Sunday to any other day, for minorities have unalienable rights, which ought not, and cannot, be surrendered to government. The God we adore—the worship we pay him, and the times of performing that worship, are articles not within the compass of any Gentile legislature. The design of civil government, which is to protect the lives, liberty and property of the many units which form the whole body, is every way answered without that surrender. Government should defend the rights of the religionists, as citizens, but the religious opinions of none. If the petitioners are secured in their persons and rights, why should they desire more? Their consciences can never be charged with guilt for what others do; for conscience belongs alone to the homedepartment. Why should they wish to stretch and lop off, like Procrustes, and bring all to their standard? The driving of a carriage will neither terrify them nor break their devotion; for many of them are driven to the places of their devotion. If Sabbatical laws are necessary to govern the people on Sunday, and keep them from all business but religious du. ties, why not make a law to prevent Sunday schools; for there is no greater relation between education and religion than there is between travelling and religion. Paul, and his company and baggage, were five days travelling, by water, from Philippi to Troas. In Troas, they tarried seven days, the last of which was the first day of the week; of course one of the five days was Sunday, and yet there was no law of conscience, or law of Congress, to prevent them from transporting themselves and goods on Sunday. Should Congress indulge the petitioners, and pass a law to stop the transportation of the mail on every Sunday, it would be a nest-egg for themselves and for others. Encouraged by success, they would next proceed to have the days of Christmas, and Easter, and their associations and synods exempted in the same way, and where would it end? The Sabbatarians, with the Jews, finding Congress flexible, would, with equal right, claim a law to sanctify Saturday for their convenience. Whenever a legislature legalize holy-days, creeds of faith, forms of worship, or pe cuniary reward for religious services, they intrude into the kingdom of Christ, and impeach the wisdom of the divine law-giver, for not knowing how, or his goodness, for not giving all laws necessary in his government. The deadly pill, at first, will always be rolled in honey. The honor of religion, the spread of the gospel, the piety and research of the reformers, the good of society, the safety of the state, and the salvation of souls, form the syrup, in which the poisonous pill is hidden. It is from men, high in esteem for holiness and wisdom, that the worst of usages and most cruel laws proceed; for base characters defeat their own wishes. The heart of King Asa was perfect all his days, yet he oppressed some of the peoplewas mad at the seer who reproved him, and made a law that whosoever would not seek the Lord should be put to death. Admit of the principle that religion is an institute of state policy, and the people hold their liberty by the tenure of the will of the legislature, which is very changeable, often corrupt, and many times very cruel. Admit of the principle, and you approve of that which has reared an inquisition, and drenched the earth with blood. Many plead for an equality of all Christian societies, and plead as strongly that they should become bodies politic, and be supported by the civil law. If this is proper for Christian societies, it is as proper for Jews, Pagan or Mahometan societies; but the liberty contended for, should be guaranteed to each individual, as his inalienable right, which cannot be meddled with, without usurpation in the rulers, which turns them to tyrants. Those who wish to call in the strong arm of law to defend their opinions, give evidence that they have not logical reasoning, on moral and religious subjects, to support their weak dogmas. I am sorry that Congress have committed themselves by a precedent of giving their chaplains a legal reward for religious services. How preposterous the sound! A far-fetched construction supports it. The law of reason and revelation enjoin a reward to the laborer; but if Congress should reward the chaplains with their own contributions, it would look more like simple Christianity. The people at large have none of the devotion or instruction of the chaplain, nor any voice in electing him; why then should they be taxed where they are not represented? The chaplain, who would not attend, on request, and trust to the promise of Christ and the benevolence of his friends for his reward, without legal obligation, would be selling his prayers for money, and turning the gospel into merchandise. The thing here spoken of, is a small thing, which the nation can never feel; but trace it to its root, and it contains that principle which is so pernicious in the world, and is now used as a stirrup, by the petitioners, to mount the steed and ride down the people. In all other respects, Congress have been cautious and wise in everything that has any bearing on conscience and religious rights; and, even in this particular, they have made the best of a bad; for they have shown no partiality to sects or sentiments in their elections. I have written a long epistle, but it is not likely that I ever shall write any more; for my age advises me that the time of my departure is near. Yours, with respect, JOHN LELAND. If Christian legislatures have a right to regulate the religion of individuals, Mahomedan and Pagan legislatures have the same. The Pagans have their appointed days to worship Jupiter, or Juggernaut. The Mahomedans have their weekly day (Friday) to adore their great prophet. Among the many sects of Protestants there exists a variety of opinions respecting days of rest and worship. The Quakers meet for worship two days in a week, without attaching much sanctity to one day above another. Many keep the seventh day, like the Jews, from a belief that the observ. ance of that day is of moral, unchangeable and universal obligation. Some believe that half the time (the night) is enough for rest, and that one day is as good as another for worship. A very considerable number keep the first day of each week as a Christian Sabbath, being of the opinion that God appointed one day in seven, by a moral precept to be observed by all men—that the seventh day was designated from creation until the resurrection of Christ—that Christ changed the day from the seventh unto the first day of the week—altered the exercises of the day—and remitted the punishment for profaning the day from certain death to a small fine. Part of this last sect are now petitioning Congress to gratify their wishes, and stop the transportation of the mail on Sunday. Why do they petition? Are they interrupted at their meeting-houses by the mail stages? This is not likely, for many of themselves drive their carriages to their places of worship. If they are abused by the stage drivers, existing laws are sufficient to punish the rioters. If they enjoy all the liberty and protection that they need, why are they restless? Do they wish Congress to decide the controversy in their favor, and legally declare that the first day of each week is too holy for men to labor and travel thereon? Should that be the case, what would the Jews and Sevendarian Christians say? Would they not, with equal justice, petition Congress to stop the mail on the seventh day? And by the same rule, any of them might petition that their days of Associations, Synods, etc., might be exempted in the same way. There Published in 1830. |