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tions. “There is in this event,” he says, “something so incomprehensible that I will not permit myself to make any observation upon it.” Our loss during the siege, we are sorry to say, amounted, including the Portugueze, to 150 killed, and 600 wounded. Two general officers, Major-generals Mackinuou sud Crawford, were among the former. It was expected that the siege of Badajoz would be immediately undertaken. Ciudad Rodrigo has been given up to the Spaniards. The same post which brought the official account of the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo brought that also of the fall of Valencia. This event took place on the 6th of January, and it appears at least as incomprehensible as the fall of Ciudad lodrigo. Blake with 17,000 men, well supplied with auuunition, was within its walls. Where was the spirit 3f Palafox and the heroes of Saragoza, or that more recently displayed by Colouel Skerret and his thousand British troops at Tarifa, against ten times his force : The besieged were in this instance about half as numerous as the besiegers. The guerillas continue to make vigorous head against their oppressors. A complete change has taken place in the executive government of Spain. The members of the old regency have been displaced, aud a new regency has been appointed, at the head of which is the Duke del Infantado, now anbassador from Spain to the British Court. Great hopes are entertained from the increased vigour which is to be expected from the new administration. We anxiously wish they may be realized. We should rejoice to see the new reign columence by the extinction of the abominable Inquisition, and we should augur from such a commencement the happiest issues. A truce has been agreed to by the rival parties in the Rio Plata, under the mediation of the Portugueze Government, the basis of which is the mutual acknowledgment of Ferdinand VII. and a disposition to receive the proposals of the Commissioners who have been appointed by Great Britain and Spain to settle the affairs of the South-American provinces.
A strong hope is entertained of peace between Sweden and Great Britain. Such a measure would clearly imply that Bernadotte was desirous of shaking from his shoulders the yoke of France; and the recent forsible seizure of Swedish Pomerania by a body of French troops gives ground to sup
pose that a disposition of this kind has been manifested by Sweden. If peace should actually take place between that country, and Great Britain, such an event could not fail greatly to embarrass Bonaparte.
A complete revolution appears to have taken place in this island. On the 16th January, the King issued a Royal Act, appointing the Hereditary Prince,Vicar-General of the kingdom, with the whole of the royal authority. And on the 19th, the Prince appointed Lord W. Bentinck Captain-General of the Sicilian forces. The British army had been ordered to Palermo, and was expected in a few days. The Sicilian nobles who were banished in July last were recalled, and an entire change has taken place in the ministry; the Prince Cassano having for the present the chief directiou.
In what will be found in a subsequent page, on the licensing system, we think that a decisive answer is given to the complaints of America on the subject of our Orders in Council. The Orders in Council are neither more nor less than a justifiable, and, as we conceive, necessary measure of desence against Bonaparte's open and avowed war on our commerce, which is the seminal principle of our power. Nor is it our own interests, or our own existence only, that we are defending, but those of America also. America, however, is not disposed to take this view of the subject; and she appears bent on going to war with us, because, in aiming some hard blows at our enemy, she, who has been told to keep out of their reach yet chooses to put herself in the way of them, receives a few scratches. That her trade must be lessened by our blockade (for, in fact, our Orders in Council are a blockade under another name) of the ports of Holland, France, and the north of Italy, is unquestionable; but still it is obvious, that it is only when she chooses to attempt to render nugatory this defensive measure of ours, by entering the prohibited ports of our enemy, that she can sustain any actual loss. If, then,
American councils. This hope, however, becomes every day somewhat weaker; the whole of their proceedings bear a warlike aspect; and neither in the government nor in the legislature does there appear any disposition to listen to proposals, which do not involve the abandonment of our essential rights. In this state of things, we can only look to Hin who has the hearts of all men, as well as the course of events, in his hands, that he would so “ order their unruly wills and affections," that the peace of the two countries may not be broken, nor the blood of their sons sacrificed in a contest, which must injure both, and can benefit neither. A statement of the exports of the United States, for the year 1811, has been laid be. fore Congress. This is an important document, especially at the present moment, and we will proceed to analyse it. The exports of domestic growth or manufacture are estimated at 45,294,048 dollars; and those of foreign growth at 16,022,790; the total being 61,316,833 dollars, or about 15 millions sterling. The amount of their manufactures exported, including, as we presume, pot-ashes, perhaps tar, pitch, maple-sugar, &c. is 2,376,000 dollars. The rest consists of fish, lumber, and the produce of agriculture, as flour, tobacco, cotton, rice, &c. The proportion of these exports, sent to different parts of the world, is as follows—first, Of Domestic Growth or Manufacture. Russia, Prussia, Sweden, and
Russia, &c. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,340,117
Great Britain. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21,881,525 All other countries. . . . . . . . . . 4,093,475
Now, it is to be observed, that the trade of America to the Baltic, to the Peninsula, and to all other countries, except France and Italy, is perfectly unshackled. The whole, therefore, of the large exports to those countries have probably reached their destination. With respect to the three millions of dollars, and this was the whole exported to France and Italy, it is impossible to say how much has been turned from its original destination, and brought into England, From the rate of insurance between America and France, which is about 40 per cent., we should suppose that the amount might be about a million of dollars, or 250,000l. sterling. This, therefore, is the loss of which America has to complain, during the last year, in consequence of our Orders in Council; and it is a loss voluntarily incurred. Had we chosen, however, to assert our undoubted right of excluding all commerce from the Baltic as well as from France, upwards of eight millions of American commerce would have been at once annihilated, for it would have been almost impossible to have traded at all with the Baltic in the face of our prohibitory decree; and the pressure would have been still more severe had we extended the prohibition to such parts of Spain as are under the controul of France, which we also might fairly, have done. America, therefore, ought rather to be thankful for our forbearance, than to declaim against our rigour. The injury she has sustained was not intended by us. It has been incidental, and, what is more, self-induced. She has been fairly warned to avoid France. She has contemned the warning; and she has consequently incurred loss. But to say that we have caused the loss; that we are pillagers, because we enforce decrees clearly and solemnly published, and standing on the most satisfactory grounds of belligerent right, is childish, and can impose only on those who wish to be deluded. As for the allegation that Bonaparte has repealed his Berlin and Milan decrees, we ask for the document to shew that he has done so. None has yet
STATE OF PARTIES. The following are copies of a letter addressed by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent to the Duke of York, in order to its being communicated to Earl Grey and Lord
Grenville, and of the reply of those noblemen to the proposition submitted to them.
* MY DEAREST BROTHER, “As the restrictions on the exereise of the royal authority will shortly expire, when I must make may arrangements for the future administration of the powers with which I am invested, I think it right to communicate those sentiments which I was withheld from expressing at an earlier period of the session, by my warmest desire, that the expected motion on the affairs of Irelaud might undergo the deliberate discussion of Parliament, unmixed with any other consideration. “ I think it hardly necessary to call your recollection to the recent circumstances under which I assumed the authority delegated to me by Parliament. At a moment of unexampled difficulty and danger, I was called upon to make a selection of persons to whom I should entrust the functions of the executive government. My sense of duty to our Royal Father solely decided that choice; and every private feeling gave way to considerations which admitted of no doubt or hesitation. I trust I acted in that respect as the genuine representative of the august person whose functions I was appointed to discharge; and I have the satisfaction of knowing, that such was the opinion of persons, for whose judgment and honourable feelings I entertain the highest respect in various instances, as you well know. When the law of the last session left me at full li
berty, I waved any personal gratifi-,
cation, in order that his Majesty might resume, on his restoration to health, every power and prerogative belonging to his crown. I certainly am the last person in the kingdom to whom it can be permitted to despair of our Royal Father's recovery. A new era is now arrived; and I cannot but reflect with satisfaction, on the events which have distinguished the short period of my restricted Regency. Instead of sufsering in the loss of her possessions, by the gigantic force which has been employed against them, Great Britain has added most important acquisitions to her empire. The na
tional faith has been preserved inviolable towards our allies; and if character is strength, as applied to a nation, the increased, and increasing reputation of his Majesty's arms, will shew to the nations of the Continent how much they may achieve when animated by a glorious spirit of resistance to a foreign yoke. In the critical situation of the war in the peninsula, I shall be most anxious to avoid any measure which can lead my allies to suppose that I mean to depart from the present system. Perseverance alone can achieve the great object in question; and I cannot withhold my approbation from those who have honourably distinguished themselves in support of it. I have no predilections to indulge, no resentments to gratify, no objects to attain but such as are common to the whole empire. If such is the leading principle of my conduct, and I can appeal to the past as evidence of what the future will be, I flatter myself I shall meet with the support of Parliament, and of a candid and enlightened nation. Having made the communication of my sentiments in this new and extraordinary crisis of our affairs, I cannot conclude without expressing the gratification I should feel, if some of those persons with whom the early habits of my public life were formed, would strengthen my hands, and constitute a part of my government. With such support, and aided by a vigorous and united administration, formed on the most liberal basis, I shall look with additional confidence to a prosperous issue of the most arduous contest in which Britain was ever engaged. You are authorised to communicate these sentiments to Lord Grey, who, I have no doubt, will make them known to Lord Grenville. “I am always, my dearest Frederick, your ever affectionate brother, (Signed) “George, P. R.
“ Carlton House, Feb. 13.
“P. S. I shall send a copy of this letter immediately to Mr. Perceval.”
“Sir, “ Feb. 15, 1812.
“We beg leave most humbly to express to your Royal Highness our dutiful acknowledgments for the gracious and condescending manner in which you have had the goodness to communicate to us the letter of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, on the subject of the arrangements to be now made for the future administration of the public affairs; and we take the liberty of availing ourselves of your gracious permission, to address to your Royal Highness in this form what has occurred to us in consequence of that communication. The Prince Regent, after expressing to your Royal Highness in that letter his sentiments on various public matters, has, in the concluding paragraph, condescended to intimate his wish that some of those persons with whom the early habits of his public life were formed, would strengthen his Royal Highness's hands, and constitute a part of his government; and his Royal Highmess is pleased to add, that with such support, aided by a vigorous and united administration, formed on the most liberał basis, he would look with additional confidence to a prosperous issue of the most arduous contest in which Great Britain has ever been engaged. On the other parts of his Royal Highness's letter we do not presume to offer any observations; but in the concluding paragraph, in so far as we may venure to suppose ourselves included in the gracious wish which it expresses, we owe it, in obedience and duty to his Royal Highness, to explain ourselves with frankness and sincerity. We beg leave most earnestly to assure his Royal Highness, that no sacrifices, except those of honour and duty, could appear to us too great to be made, for the purpose of healing the divisions of our country, and uniting both its government and its people. All personal exclusion we entirely disclaim ; we rest on public measures; and it is on this ground alone that we must
express, without reserve, the impossibility of our uniting with the present government. Our differences of opinion are too many and too important to admit of such an union. His Royal Highness will, we are confident, do us the justice to remember, that we have twice already acted on this impression; in 1809, on the proposition then made to us under his Majesty's authority; and last year, when his Royal Highness was pleased to require our advice respecting the formation of a new government. The reasons which we then humbly submitted to him are strengthened by the increasing dangers of the times; nor has there, down to this moment, appeared even any approximation towards such an agreement of opinion on the public interests as can alone form a basis for the horseurable union of parties previously opposed to each other. into the detail of those differences we are unwilling to enter; they embrace almost all the leading features of the present policy of the empire; but his Royal Highness has himself been pleased to advert to the late deliberations of Parliament on the affairs of Ireland. This is a subject, above all others, important in itself, and connected with the most pressing dangers. Far from concurring in the sentiments which his Majesty’s ministers have on that occasion so recently expressed, we entertain opinions directly opposite: we are firmly persuaded of the necessity of a total change in the present system of that country, and of the immediate repeal of those civil disabilities under which so large a portion of his Majesty's subjects still labour on account of their religious opinions. To recommend to Parliament this repeal is the first advice which it would be our duty to offer to his Royal Highness, could we, even for the shortest time, make ourselves responsible for any farther delay in the prospect of a measure, without which we could entertain no hope of rendering ourselves useful to his Royal Highness, or to the country. We have only further to beg your Royal Highness to lay before his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, the expression of our humble duty, and the sincere and respectful assurance of our earnest wishes for whatever may best promote the ease, honour, and advantage of his Royal Highness's government, and the success of his endeavours for the public welfare. “We have the honour to be, &c. - “s; REY. (Signed) .. GRENville.” To his R. H. the Duke of York.
We shall take the liberty of exercising our privilege, as Englishmen, of offering a few observations, both on the letter of the two noblemen, and on the proposition for a partial change of ministry, which his Royal Highness the Prince Regent has thought proper to convey to their Lordships, on the era of his assumption of the unrestricted prerogatives of the Crown.
That his Royal Highness has been prompted to take this step by a patriotic zeal for the common interests of the empire, and by a desire to extinguish that party spirit which has so long divided and weakened us, will, as we doubt not, be the persuasion of the people of England in general, and is certainly our sentiment. It is exactly that course to which any amiable prince, on ascending the throne, would naturally incline, and from which he could only be diverted by a knowledge either of some invincible animosity in the great competitors for power, or of some differences of judgment on the measures to be pursued, too serious and important to be compromised.
Individual hostility is happily, as we believe, disavowed by men of all parties among us. Who, indeed, that knows anything of Mr. Perceval, could refuse, on personal grounds, to sit with him in the same cabinet 2 .That the other obstacle to union, nevertheless, exists, might surely have been surmised by #.
Royal Highness, and is now made abundantly manifest by the very decisive language of the letter of the Lords Grey and Grenville. Whether the Prince Regent himself exactly anticipated the answer which they have given, we do not presume to say. We confess, however, that we ourselves are not surprised at it. The Catholic subject presented an obstacle to union, which was very obvious. There is
, a passage in the Prince Regent’s let
ter which seems a little to imply, that the Parliament had already disposed of this subject; whereas even the temporary settlement of that question is not likely to be admitted by the chiefs of opposition, some of whom carefully distinguished the vote recently given, from the vote soon again to be called for. The Catholics are about to petition; and it is, therefore, held by our oppotionists that the question is suspended. The late vote, they insist, turned principally on the propriety of the measures lately taken by the Government to put down the convention, and did not at all decide the main question. Some, who then voted with Government (in particular, Lord Wellesley in the House of Lords, and Mr. Canning in the House of Commons), professed an intention of soon favouring the Catholic claims. Could it then be supposed, that, while this important point of national policy was waiting for a more complete and a separate discussion, the leaders in the intended contest should meet together as friends in the same cabinet. The moment seems, in this respect, to have been remarkably unpropitious to an union of parties. We do not enter into the other grounds of difference between Mr. Perceval and the Lords Grey and Grenville, because the two Lords have themselves abstained from doing it. We cannot, however, help observing, that his Royal Highness the Prince Regent must, in consequence of his former political familiarity with their Lordships, have been fully sen