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sible of the nature and extent of those differences; so that his Royal Highness seems to have expected a greater deviation in them from the doctrines which they had held, as well, indeed, as publicly proclaimed, than is common with men who lead the parties of this country. On the whole, we are disposed to refer to an amiable facility in his Royal Highness, in accommodating himself to the politics of Mr. Perceval, that expectation which his letter implies of his finding the same facility in the stubborn breasts of the two noblemen whom he indirectly addresses; and if there be any fault in the letter, it consists in the seeming simplicity with which it assumes that the coalition it recommends can be effected. It is an offer which, under all the circumstances, it is but too plain was unlikely to be accepted; and it has had, as we fear, the unfortunate effect of widening the distance between the contending bodies; for the Lords Grey and Grenville having now been led to make a formal declaration of the existing differences, have naturally employed some strength of expression in describing them. The two parties have once more unfurled their respective banners, and are now summoning their wavering and scattered followers. The war in Parliament will be renewed with vigour; and the country, far from reaping the benefit of that union of parties, so patriotically desired by his Royal Highness, will only be torn by new political hostility. We shall offer oue further observation, which, indeed, we also suggested to our readers about twelve months ago, when the former letter of his Royal Highness attracted our attention. His Royal Highness then professed, as he has also on the present occasion, to be governed in the choice of his political servants principally, if not exclusively, by a regard to the supposed wishes of his Royal father. We then foresaw the danger which is now still more manifest of some appearance of incon

sistency arising, in the event of his continuing long to exercise the royal functions. When is it, we would ask, that his Royal Highness is to use his own judgment? It is not, it seems, when he exercises a restricted regency. Is he, then, to act for himself when the regency is unrestricted? Even then, he may plead no less his filial reverence. It is only, therefore, when he shall be crowned King of England. Many years may elapse during which he shall have exercised the whole of the Royal Prerogative; and by this time connections may have been formed, and a direction given to public affairs, under his own auspices, which it may be impossible to change. The Marquis Wellesley has resigned the seals of the foreign office, and it is believed that some other changes of a partial nature are to take place; but the successor of his Lordship has not as yet been announced.

PARLIAMENTARY PRocee DINGs.

1. The Catholic question has undergone a discussion in both Houses of Parliament, which was produced by a motion for a committee to consider the state of Ireland. The motion was negatived by large majorities; but expressly, in the case of many persons composing that majority, not because they were disinclined to an extension of the privileges of the Catholics, but because an assent to the present motion would imply, that Government had been to blank: in the measures which it had taken to defeat the attempt to form a Catholic convention in Dublin. The Catholic question is likely to undergo fresh discussions. 2. A bill has been brought in for ascertaining the population of Ireland. 3. The House of Commons has called for a return of all places of worship, throughout the kingdom, with the number of persons they are capable of containing; and also of the number of dissenting places of worship, in parishes whose population exceeds one thousand. 4. The bill to prevent granting places in reversion was renewed by Mr. Bankes, but was thrown out in the House of Commons by a majority of one. This decision has caused considerable dissatisfaction. 5. On the subject of America, we must dominions, but into any other country to which my power or influence can extend; nay, I will make the admission of a single bale of British goods (even into any neutral state) my warrant for treating that state as an enemy, and for destroying its independence;— then we say, that the law of selfdefence immediately confers on us the right of saying in return, that our enemy's trade shall be annihilated. Why is it that nations have assumed the right of saying that neutrals shall not carry military or naval munitions to an enemy? Why, but because that law of nature to which we have referred, the law of self defence, obviously requires it. And is not the present a case to which the same law is equally applicable? Shall we permit our enemy by his regulations, whether maritime or municipal, to aim a deadly blow at our commerce and manufactures, our marine and revenue, and to force neu

refer to what has been said under the head

of the United States. 6. The appointment of Col. M'Mahon

to the office of paymaster of widows' pen

sions, has given rise to much discussion in the House of Commons. The office, being a sinecure, had been marked by a resolution of the House as fit to be abolished. It was therefore thought disrespectful to the House to fill up the vacancy. On voting the army estimates, in which the sum to be paid to Colonel M'Mahon was included, a debate took place, which ended in the rejection of that part of the estimate. This may be considered as a virtual abolition of the office.

. The numbers were, 115 to 112.

7. Some discussion has taken place in Parliament respecting the Orders in Council, and a farther discussion is expected. All we have beard or read on this subject confirms us in the view which we originally took of this measure, as in its principle most wise and expedient. In saying this, we do not mean to defend all the particular provisions by which the general principle was originally enforced. Such of those provisions, however, as were liable to just exception, were removed by the Order of May 1809, which converted the complex regulations of the Orders of Nov. 1807, into a simple prohibition of trading with the ports of the enemy. The main objection which we felt to this order,

was its confining the prohibition within too

narrow limits. It went no farther north than the river Ems, and included only the coasts of Holland, France, and the north of Italy. The reasons for exempting the Baltic from its operation we may be unable sufficiently to appreciate; but the policy of doing so has certainly always appeared to us to be dubious; the moral evils which have attached themselves to the Baltic trade forming, in our view, by no means the least powerful •bjection. But on what grounds would we rest the justice of such a prohibition * Simply on this, that it had become necessary to our defence. The war having assumed the character of a war on our commercial resources, which are the sinews of our strength, it became our duty to defend those resources. If an enemy attempt to ruin us by destroying our navy, the course we naturally and justly take is, if we cau, to annihilate his. If, however, finding himself incapable of openly attacking our navy, he should say, I will undermine it; I will cut off the springs of your power; I will destroy your trade; 1 will allow it access in no way, by no route however circuitous, not only into my own Christ. Observ. No. 122.

‘trals to concur in his measures, without ward

ing off the blow by any and by all the means which we possess; and why not, among others, by an universal interdict of commerce from his ports? Is there any thing unjust in this? Many men, however, will allow this course to be just, who yet deny its policy; who say, that we only give effect to the hostile decrees of our enemy, by thus acting; that we injure ourselves, and not him. Now we do not shrink from maintaining the direct converse of this proposition; from maintaining, that is to say, that had Great Britain, from the year 1807, adhered rigidly to her system of sealing up every hostile port, and of allowing neither ingress nor egress there, her condition would, probably, at this moment have been much more prosperous than it is : and she would also have been preserved from many evils, which have arisen from the relaxation of that system. Our own resources, both domestic and colonial, would have been developed and almost indefinitely enlarged;—even our mercantile marine might have increased, while we should have deprived France of the means almost of raising a single seaman, or employing a single ship. The bogs of Ireland, and the waste lands of England, our American forests, and the sunn and paat fields of Hindostan, would in no long time have felt the influence of the continued prohibition. Hemp and flax, or at least substitutes for them, together with corn and timber, would in no long time have been either supplied from our own fields, or imported from our foreign possessions in British ships. Instead of employing *; ships, manned by hostile sea Merchant of that prospect of reward, with

men, to bring us the productions or manufactures of Eustile countries, we should have employed our own ships and our own seamen, and we should have given life to our own manufactures, and to our own agriculture, foreign and domestic". But we can merely glance at this subject: our linits will not permit us to enter upon it. This, however, we are anxious to repeat, that even if the advantages arising from the relaxation of our probibitory decrees, by means of licences, had been greater than its warmest advocates have ever pretended, we should still have objected to it the moral evils by which these advantages are purchased.

. Much as we value commerce as oue of the .

main sinews of our national strength, we should have no scruple to say, Perish that commerce if we can only retain it by the practice of frauds, forgeries, and perjuries. We may rely on it, that with nations, as well as individuals, the path of rectitude is the path of safety, as well as of honour; and is, trusting in the Divine protection, we reject all base and dishonourable means of advancing our interests, we shall in the end be no losers by our conduct. We are happy to perceive that the flagrant immoralities attached to the licensing system, particularly in relation to our conmerce with the Baltic, has begun to attract

general notice. The town of Kingston upon .

Hull has done itself honour by taking the lead in the reprobation of those immoralities, and of the system by which they are encouraged. On the 11th inst, a meeting of the merchants and ship-owners of that place was held, to consider the propriety of petitioning the House of Commons against granting licences to foreign vessels to trade between this country and those parts of Europe from which the British flag is excluded; and a series of resolutions was adopted as the basis of the petition, to the justice of every one of which we should readily subscribe. They resolve, among other things, “That it is the firm persuasion of this Meeting, that this system of Licences is injurious to the trade and interests of the United Kingdom; is calculated to drain it of its resources—to nourish a race, of seamen in the ports of the Continent—to enconrage a spirit of commercial enterprize in hostile states—and to deprive the British

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out which his labours must be rendered unavailing to the benefit of himself and of his country. “That this Meeting is seriously impressed with a consciousness of the immoral effects, as well as the impolicy of Licences; that it contemplates, with feelings of shame, and indignation, those frauds, collusions, and forgeries of documents, which are notoriously known to have arisen from the License system, as equally contrary to the dictates, of religion, and subversive of that high sense of honour, that probity and good faith, which have hitherto been the pre-emiuent characteristics of British Merchants; and in the maintenance or decline of which, the welfare, and even the existence of the Constitution, is, in its judgment, deeply and inseparably involved. -os. “That, fully convinced of the truth and importance of these principles, this Meeting does agree to present a Petition to the Honourable the House of Commons, in Parliament assembled, praying, that they will take the subject of granting Licences to Foreign Vessels to trade between this country and ports from which its flag is excluded, into their serious consideration; and that they will apply such remedy to the evils now existing, as in their wisdom may seem mostexpedient." o We should rejoice to witness the adoptio of similar resolutions in every trading town in the kingdom. We must defer, however, for the present, what we had further to say on this subject. In the mean time, we will present our readers with an extract taken from an able speech of Mr. Hill, at the Hull Meeting, which contains some facts that will serve to illustrate the nature of this commerce. “The documents," he said, “which he held in his hand, would shew the extent in which persons engaging in this, trade were guilty, with their eyes open, of perjury, or of subornation of perjury. The first document was the protest of a captain who sailed from Hull to Pillau without a cargo, in the autumn of 1810, which he ad

.duced to shew the manner in which ships

coming from England in ballast obtained ad

mission into the ports of Prussia—The ship

had come to Hull with a cargo from the Baltic, under the protection of a British convoy, had entered regularly at the customhouse, and delivered her cargo in the usual manner to the consignees, without any in

terruption whatever; but the captain and lis

crew asserted in the protest (und confirmed

their assertion by an oath administered with

more than usual solemnity) that “they had * * * *

had been captured, and sent into Hull; that the cargo was there condemned and the ship restored to them.' . . . * “The second was the protest of a ship which sailed from Hull in the spring of 1811, with a cargo of colonial produce for Riga. In this it was stated that the ship had loaded at Charlestown in Auerica, and various particulars of her pretended voyage were added; all which, though notoriously false and fictitious, were confirmed as besore by the oath of the captain and crew. * The third and last document was an act of the French Government, relative to the condemnation of a ship, which had been captured and carried into Holland in November 1810, with a cargo of colonial produce, from London for Memel. The captain and crew stoutly maintained, on their examinations in

Holland, that they had loaded their cargo at

Santa Cruz in the island of Teneriffe; but by several curious interrogatories put to them separately, their testimony was found so discordant as completely to expose the falsehood of their whole story.

• If these documents (which were fair specimens of those in general use, and not selected for this particular purpose) were not sufficient to set the question concerning the immorality of this trade completely and finally at rest, he could not see how it was possible to enter into any farther argument on the subject. Assuming the immorality as proved, he considered that alone as sufficient to induce every good man to wish for the annihilation of the whole system. Much, however, had been said in defence of it, on the ground of policy and necessity. For his part, he was prepared to maintain, as a believer in the doctrines of Christianity, in the moral government of God, and the accountability of human actions, that our duty and our interest are much more closely allied than many are willing to suppose; and that our Creator has in general linked them indissolubly together; he was prepared to maintain, with a late distinguished British senator, that what is morally wrong can never be politically right.'

“But waving these general principles, he would proceed to examine the subject on the ground of alleged expediency.”

Here, however, we cannot follow Mr. Hill, but must refer our readers to his speech in the “ Hull Advertiser " of the 15th inst. and though he has given an able view of the subject, we have ne doubt that the arguments which he has adduced might be greatly strengthened by additional facts and considerations.

nomestic intellig ence.

The health of his Majesty is said to continue in precisely the same state as it was when the parliamentary examination of the physicians last took place.

Sir Evan Nepean has been appointed governor of Bombay. Mr. Kirwan, one of the Catholic delegates, having been found guilty, under the Catholic Convention Act, of a violation of the law, in assembling as one of the delegates of the Catholic body; the rest of the trials were suspended, on the ground that the law having been thus declared, there was no doubt that the Catholic body would feel themselves to be bound by it.

A special commission having been appointed to try, on a charge of treason, a number of British seamen, who, after being taken prisoners, had entered into the French service, and were found in arms against their country in the Isle of France; the trials came on at the Surrey Sessions House during the present month. When seven convictions had taken place, and that on grounds which left no doubt whatever of the guilt of the parties, and of the equity of their condemnation; the Attorney General signified that the ends of justice had been fully answered, and that he should now stay farther proceedings, trusting that the example now given would operate powerfully throughout the whole mass of our naval and military force. The sentence of the law has not yet been executed.

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE,

The amount of our loss by the shipwrecks of men of war that had taken, place we stated in our last to be 1,400, when we should have stated it at near 2,000 seamen. Another frigate, the Manilla, has since been wrecked on the coast of Holland; but the whole of the crew, with the exception of six men, have been saved.

An attack was made, on the Neapolitan coast, on a convoy of the enemy, consisting of nine gun-boats and twenty merchant vessels laden with naval stores ; and the ene

'my's batteries on shore having been seized

and dismantled by a party of troops, the whole were either destroyed or brought off. The French frigate, La Pomone, of forty guns, has been captured in the Mediterramean by his Majesty's ship Active. Captain Gordon lost a leg, and his first Lieutenant an arm; besides which, ten of our men were killed and sixteen wounded. An armed storeship, under the convoy of the Pomone, was also taken; another escaped,

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A second French frigate, La Corceyre, taken, 170 seamen and 130 soldiers, 3. has-been taken in the same sea by his Ma- tons of wheat, and a quantity of milita jesty's ship Eagle. She had on board when stores.

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Rev. John Smith, M. A. vicar of Bices- Rev. C. J. Blomfield, Dunton R. Bucks, ter, Oxon. Master of the endowed Gram- Rev. Thomas Hooper, Castle Coomb mar School of Dilhorne, vice Wolfe, re- Wilts. signed. Rev. S. Nosworthy, Brushford R. Some Rev. William Jackson, D. D. canon of set. Christ Church, and Regius Professor of Rev. Roger Frankland, Canonry in Wes Greek in the University of Oxford, Lord Bi-. Cathedral, vice Digby, dec. shop of Oxford. Rev. Dr. Weston, Thirfield R. Herts. Rev. John Leslie, D. D. dean of Cork, Rev. W. B. Ramsden, Little Wakerin Lord Bishop of Dromore, vice Hall, de- W. Essex. ceased. Rev. J. B. Hollingworth, one of his M. ... Rev. Henry George Liddle, Redmarshall jesty's Preachers at Whitehall. R. Durham. t. Rev. James Slade, Feversham R. Can Rev. Thomas Peyton Slapp, Bracon-Ash bridgeshire. R. Norfolk.

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS.
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A Countay Recron will be admitted.

Futu mus; EP Apii Roditus; M. G.; Phila LEThes; Theognis; A Cyriles, as under consideration.

CHARItatís AM 1Cus, we think, must change his name before he can become the advo cate of Dr. Butler's sermon. In another and the main point of his letter, we deny th charge. He has quoted, as our language, words which we never used.

Our present limits would not suffice for correcting the misapprehensions of AN IMPArna Observe R. Referring him to what we have already written, we have now only to so that he has totally unisapprehended us.

, We are of opinion, that the time is past for the publication in the Christian Observer of t Letters of A LAYMAN on Mr. Stone's seriuon.

So PATER's note has been received.

"We must request The Author who has written to us, not to consider our silence resper ing his publication as any mark of disrespect. We have it not in our power to notic one twentieth part of the books which are sent to us.

SrAwfordshire's request as to his lines is complied with.

ERRATA. - No. for January, p. 44, col. 2, lines 15 and 16, for s, in three places, read c. Present No. p. 72, col. 2, 1.20 from bottom, after Iwano dele the comma.

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