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England, "put off the contention," it was urged by the Tories, and wait the day, when the increased population of the Colonies would forbid attack or swallow up an invading army, or more gentle counsels sway her throne!

The friends of the Administration admitted the value of the right of deposit, that it had been violated, and if negotiation was unsuccessful, that war was inevitable; but urged, that the infraction might be unauthorized; that negotiation ought to precede force, and that policy dissuaded a resort to arms. Ross replied, if the infraction be unauthorized, the design must be that of an enemy and should be so treated. Instances of the seizure and condemnation of American property by Spain, and of the imprisonment of its owners, were adduced to show her hostility. The propriety of previous negotiation was admitted, in cases of minor injury-not so, in those of invasion of domain-of a blockade, of a forced contribution, certainly not, where the existence of a Nation is attacked. -"You," Ross exclaimed, "you hazard convulsion and dissolution, because possibly the aggressor has reasons for the outrage you do not yet know. This cannot be wise. This cannot be the course which National honor and safety call us to pursue. You never can abandon the right now denied and wrested from your hands. It is said, these resolutions necessarily induce war, and that thus our National debt will be increased. Our object is not War, but security for a right, without which our Union, our political existence, cannot continue. Should war arise, it will be less an evil than insecure and delusive hopes of tranquillity. War will increase your debt, but not more, nor as much, as vain attempts to secure this right another way; and after failing, you must have war.” "It has been said,* we may have a place of deposit

Referring to Dewitt Clinton.

within our territory, and navigate thence. The nearest point upon our territory, is three hundred miles from the Sea, the river crooked, the current rapid, the anchorage bad. Without the privilege of the shore, the navigation would be impracticable. The Senator has advanced the extraordinary position, that, if our adversaries have time to prepare, we also have time to prepare, but he resists the resolutions, and proposes no effectual military preparations. A substitute is offered of eighty thousand Militia. We accept it. Our resolutions, it is said, are inoperative. Alter them and give an unqualified discretion, but exercise that discretion. Will such measures impede the negotiation? They would give effect to it. Our Envoy has not sailed. Let him take this act with him. He will then have more means, and more forcible arguments to urge the object of his mission. The whole matter was known at the opening of Congress, yet no step is taken, until our resolutions are proposed. Now you are willing to do something. Full confidence in negotiation is avowed. But are New Orleans and the Floridas a sufficient security? We are told, we are to look for more powerful neighbors. What right has Spain to give us these neighbors without consulting us? The Floridas must belong to the Masters of Louisiana. They have the lock and key of the whole Western Country. There is no egress or ingress without their leave. They have three thousand miles on your interior frontier-the command of your outlet-seven hundred miles of sea-coast. They become Masters of the Western world. Yet you are content to purchase New Orleans and the Floridas!! France, you tell us, will confirm our right of Deposit and of free navigation. We shall hold by their courtesy, not by the protection of our own Government. They will permit. But -You cannot enforce. Will she ask no return? Has

she no ulterior views? No? During the insidious interval, they will be driving rivet after rivet into the iron yoke which is to gall us and our children. We must commerce through a line of batteries manned by veterans, and return home with the proceeds, through a fortified camp. Why not place a force at the disposal of the President, while the Atlantic States are ready to support you? Are you sure you will ever again find the same disposition? At the next session of this Congress, no such offer may be made. There may be a pressure which will forbid it. If the Resolutions are too strong, remodel them. If the means are inadequate, propose others more effective. But as you value the best interests of the Western Country and the Union with those States, seize the present opportunity of securing it forever."

After many an earnest and eloquent appeal by the Federalists, to induce measures commensurate with the menaced dangers, the substituted resolutions of the Democratic party were adopted; and on the last day of the session, the third of March, a bill giving power to employ the militia, became a law.

Among other proceedings of this session, was the initiation of measures in relation to what was called "the Yazoo" speculation. The Legislature of Georgia had in the year ninety-five, authorized the sale of four tracts of land, estimated to contain forty millions of acres, for the paltry sum of five hundred thousand dollars, which became the property of four companies. The legislators were proved to have been corrupted, and the grand juries of the State presented this grant as a public robbery. A new legislature was chosen in reference to this grant; and, by the vote of all but three members, it was repealed, and the act of grant ordered to be expunged from the records. One of these companies availing itself of a

provision in an agreement between Georgia and the United States, that they might dispose of or appropriate five millions of acres of these lands in compensation for certain unrecognized claims, now petitioned Congress to satisfy their claim by purchase or commutation. Madison, Gallatin, and Lincoln, the leading members of the Cabinet, appointed commissioners to investigate this pretension, reported in favor of this petition. Another member of the Government was, it is stated, at the head of this company, and the agent for its prosecution in Congress, upon whose votes the influence of numerous contracts was charged to have been brought to bear.

A few days before the close of this session, after a vehement exposure by Randolph of the gross corruption practised, a compact concluded between these Commissioners and those of Georgia, was announced by Jefferson to Congress. It precipitately sanctioned the purchase of these lands, whose area would constitute an extensive State, though the Indian title to only a very small part had been extinguished. To this purchase the assent of Georgia was bought for a trivial sum.

CHAPTER CLXIII.

WHILE the fate of Louisiana occupied the deliberations of Congress, the legislative proceedings of the State of New York assumed a character which arrested the attention of Hamilton and of other reflecting men.

The utility of banks, as instruments of commerce, had been long and duly estimated in the great marts of the Union, but the employment of them as mere political engines was recent. The first instance of this kind was in the charter of the MANHATTAN BANK, a charter which, it is seen, Hamilton stated, was obtained by a trick. The author of this corrupting precedent was Aaron Burr! To the influence of this bank was chiefly, confidently, and openly ascribed, by the active members of the Democratic party, familiar with its secret operations, the result of the election in the city of New York, which raised Jefferson to the Presidency, and Burr to the second office of this government.

A successful example of corruption is not soon forgotten. It has proved a great fountain of evil pouring forth its bitter poisons upon this country and people. A mean so easy to be commanded, of such extensive and almost resistless influence, was now again resorted to. The project of a great "State Bank" was probably cotemporary with the recovery of power by the Democratic party

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