CHAPTER CLXVII.

WHILE Hamilton was thus laboring in the great cause of liberty, Jefferson was employed in the pursuits most congenial with his nature. He is seen to have risen to power by the practice of all the most unscrupulous arts of a selfish demagogue. It was not to be expected that he would abstain from the use of these arts in rendering that power dominant over all opposition. Nor was this, in the condition of the United States, of difficult accomplishment. The Federalists, as a national party, had, as seen, prostrated themselves, in disregard of Hamilton's monitions, by their support of Burr; and Jefferson resolved that Burr should be prostrated because of the support of the Federalists. While Hamilton lived, he knew that support could not be successful. His policy was to undermine them where they still had influence, preventing their being rallied under their distinguished leader, which could only happen in a moment of some great national vicissitude; and to reduce them to local fragments, to become, thus disintegrated, tools of factious designs. If adversity tries man as an individual, it tries him more, in his relations to others, which demand faith, for as fidelity in common mutual success, has the support of promise, fidelity under common mutual misfortune involves sacrifice; and sacrifice is the part of the highest, most devoted virtue.

Such sacrifices are rare; and nothing is more frequent, or more grievous, than to see the remnants of a great party, grasping, in almost despair, the floating remains of a great wreck.

With a central administration, so recent in the United States, limited to large but specific objects, but without that catenation of functionaries instrumental in the distribution, exercise, and reproduction of power; with local administrations in the several States, dispensing private justice and affecting private rights of nearest social interest, through numerous agents, discontent, ripening into disaffection, would naturally seek in those local administrations, its supports and its implements. The feebleness of the Confederation had given the minds of the people this partial direction; and the Federal Constitution had, in its very formation, recognized, countenanced, and almost cherished such a disposition.

The consolidation of Jefferson's power in the Southern States only required abstinence in its exertion; and, though probably the number was somewhat greater, it is asserted, that in these States, there were but two early removals from office. In New England his interposing hand was more often felt, but it was in Pennsylvania and in New York that the blows were frequent. The former, by its opposition to Washington, had entitled itself to the patronage of his enemy; and in the latter, every friend of Hamilton was to be stricken down, every prop upon which the Southern party leaned, was to be strengthened, every doubted member to be proscribed. Above all, and first of all, Burr, his accidental rival, must be immolated. Nor could Jefferson doubt that such a sacrifice would be easy, for he who had so successfully wounded the teguments of Washington, could deem as nothing the task of bringing down to earth, the man whom Washing

ton would have trodden under his feet. It was, however, his refined policy, first to caress and feed with hopes the victim to be slain. While the President's power in office was being confirmed, not a whisper was uttered, not a voice was heard in disparagement of the Vice-President. So to have done would have betrayed the wounds of a doubtful triumph, and have encouraged opposition. But as the tides in his favor rose, and the breezes from every quarter came fluttering upon his cheeks, Jefferson was seen to knit his brows and grind his teeth. And then, a silent edict went forth from the Capitol, Madison alone of the Cabinet, deadly jealous of the apparent possible heir, consulted and abetting. Burr's very aspirations were deemed a treason, though inspired by the Constitution; and while Hamilton is seen engaged in removing a blemish from the Constitution, Jefferson was busy driving its casual upstart from the State. It was the President's opinion, an opinion the stronger because of Burr's efficiency in the recent election, that Burr was not true, and at once Burr was pronounced false. It was their President's wish, that Burr be outlawed, and that wish was the law of his Democracy. New York had been the scene of Burr's immediate success; New York must be the scene of his immediate defeat; and every thing in New York conspired to this result. The coöperation of the three Democratic factions in that State was but a temporary cohesion. The repellent parts had broken asunder, and the disruption was the more violent because of the forced connection. Burr's destruction was the more a fixed purpose there, from the obvious motive, that it diminished the number of the recipients of public favor. That favor was to be conferred so as to keep in pliant accord the Clintons and the Livingstons, to act against their common foe. George Clinton, again Governor of the State, had

been permitted to covet the succession to the Vice-Presidency, while his able nephew and most faithful friend, was preferred to the Senate of the United States. Chancellor Livingston was in Paris, engaged on his important errand. His brother, Edward Livingston, won away from Burr, as was stated, was appointed by the Governor, Mayor of the City of New York. Brockholst Livingston, and a connection of the Livingstons were both seated on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States, while minor members of the family were rewarded with minor lucrative offices. On but one devoted adherent of Burr was the Presidential patronage suffered to cast a lingering ray. Even from the direction of the bank Burr had established by a trick, and which had done so much in raising him and his party to power, the Vice President and Swartwout were both ejected. This tyranny of party felt the necessity of a vindicator and instrument of its proscriptions. Retaliation was the natural consequence; and two gazettes were seen entering the gladiatorial arena-one devoted to Clinton,* the other to Burr,† pouring forth bitterest accusations and exprobations of their antagonists. Burr was openly charged with intrigues with the Federalists to obtain the Presidency, and with persisting in continued intrigues bearing on the coming election. Was not Jefferson the long preferred, long intended choice of the Democrats? Except by a few interested confederates, who ever dreamed of Burr's elevation to that high trust? Had his ambition been chaste, and his fidelity to his party clear, would the choice of a President by the House of Representatives have been

"The American Citizen," edited by James Cheetham-a native of England.

"The Morning Chronicle," edited by Peter Irving, a brother of Washington Irving, who was a contributor to its sheets.

so long delayed? Would the Federalists have been so pertinacious, had not Burr given them grounds of hope? That certain Federal members of Congress had made advances to him was not to be denied; how had these advances been met? He had indeed disclaimed any purposed competition with Jefferson, but did not this disclaimer proceed from a secret confidence of support at a certain stage of the balloting, which would have been decisive? Had his personal friends believed that disclaimer was sincere, would they have continued to cast their votes in his favor? Were not direct solicitations addressed by one of his closest confidants to a member of Congress from New York, urging him to abandon Jefferson after the first or second ballot, as being in conformity with the prevailing wishes of the party, at Albany.*

True it was, Burr had kept aloof during the contest at Washington, but what was this caution but in accordance with the whole history of his life, multiplying contingencies and producing dilemmas, of which to take an opportune advantage, without personal committal? Descending to private incidents and to personal comments, his flagitious life was traced through many of its impurities, and his insidious character declared to be manifested in his shining, snaky eyes, his artificial smile, his silken wanton air, his slow gait, his stealthy feline step by step? And since his election as Vice-President, what evidence had he given of party fealty? How explain his vote on the Judiciary bill, alarming the friends of the administration, encouraging its adversaries? From what motive, with what design was he present at a festival of the Federalists in honor of Washington, against whom he never failed to utter sly contemptuous inuendoes; and what was the

Aristides," p. 95.