heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength and thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. This is the perfection and happiness of your nature, a perfection, to which few have yet attained. But do you, my brethren, heroically resolve to aim at this height. As you have received of your instructers, how you ought to walk and please God, abound more and more. Forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth unto those things which are before, press toward the mark, for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus. Strive continually to excel yourselves and then will that animated happiness, which dwells in aspiring minds, still accompany you, and reward your progress.

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This, my brethren, is the sum of what I have spoken to you during the past six months. I confess that it is nothing more than an imperfect sketch of your duty; but happily you have in your hands a discourse, which is able to supply all my deficiencies. This admirable discourse you have often read; but I would request you to read it once more, and to impress its precepts deeply on your hearts. The discourse, to which I refer, is Christ's sermon on the mount. Never man spake like this man. If you sincerely practise what he taught, you will stand like a house, which is built on a rock. Though the rains descend, though the floods come, though the winds blow, yet it will not fall: Temptation will not shake you, affliction will not overwhelm you, death itself will not alarm you; but after this short life is ended, you will be found heirs of glory, heirs of God, and jointheirs with Christ, who will place you with him on his throne, where you will reign with him forever and ever.

S. before Advent.

SERMON XXVI:

DUTIES OF CITIZENS.

PSALMS CXXII. 6.

PRAY FOR THE PEACE OF JERUSALEM: THEY SHALL PROSPER THAT LOVE THEE.

On this day of public thanksgiving and prayer, we are reminded of the relations, in which the citizens of a state stand to each other, and of the duties, to which they are mutually obliged. I beg permission to lay before you a few thoughts on this subject, under the form of observations and inquiries; and I doubt not, that whilst you reject those parts of them, which appear to you erroneous, you will admit the parts, which are manifestly true.

1. The first observation is, that it is the duty of every person in society to love his country. The love of our country implies the obligation to exert all our talents, to establish the peace of the nation, to which we belong. Man owes something to himself, something to his family, something to his fellow citizens, and something to mankind at large. The two former obligations are approved by nature, which justifies every man in loving himself and family; and the latter is enjoined by the Christian religion, which inculcates universal benevolence: but

where these obligations interfere, we must yield our private and domestic interest to the interest of our country, and the interest of a foreign nation to that of our own. The obligation of sacrificing our private good to the good of the public may not be universally conceded; but that it is our duty to prefer our own nation to any other, will generally be allowed. The reason why this should be required of us is obvious: The prosperity of the world at large will be most effectually secured by every one of us promoting, as far as we can do it, the welfare of the nation, of which we are parts. The sphere of each man's agency is necessarily small; and he can seldom extend the effects of his good deeds to any country, except his own. It is our duty then to love our country, to pray for its peace and prosperity, to act with fidelity the part assigned to us for the interest of the community, and to defend its rights and independence against hostile attacks. Is it not my intention to justify the narrow national prejudices, which are not less common here, than in other parts of the world. There may be climes more favored than our own, and people more enlightened, more courteous, and more honest than ourselves: but whilst we are willing to allow this, and every candid man ought to allow it, if it is true, - we should still love our country more than any other, as we love our own children in the highest degree, though they may be less accomplished than the children of our neighbors. however it is the duty of a parent to correct the faults, and to improve the virtues of his children, so ought we to conduct ourselves toward our country: whatever is mean, fraudulent, or vicious, in the principles and habits of our fellow citizens, we should reform as far as we can, by our exhortations, and in particular by our example.

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2. A second observation is, that it is the duty of every citizen to support the constitution, to be a good subject of the government, to give all due respect to the rulers and magistrates, and to obey the laws which are enacted by legislative authority. This obligation is universal in its extent, as we are bound to obey the laws, which we dislike, as well as the laws, which we approve.

Respecting these two duties there is no dispute; they are maintained by all parties among us, however widely they may differ on other points; and when a man violates either of them, he is condemned by the general opinion of his fellow citizens.

3. The truth of a third observation, which I shall make, is perhaps not so obvious at first sight; but it appears to me equally certain: it is this, that it is the duty of every person, under such a government as ours, to give his vote on all occasions, in which he is authorized or qualified for the act. The theory of our government is, that all power is derived from the people: they appoint, either mediately or immediately, every officer from the highest to the lowest. As it is the duty of them, who are appointed, to discharge with diligence and fidelity their several obligations; so it is not less the duty of every qualified voter to perform the part assigned to him, which is to attend the elections. For should a large number of the citizens neglect it, and one man has as much right to neglect it as another, -the persons chosen, though the legal, may not be the true, representatives of the people, and ordinances may be established, which are opposed to the public senti

ment.

I am aware that they, who are accustomed to this neglect, justify it by several reasons.--One which is urged by industrious citizens, is, that the duties of their profession require all their time, and they conceive that they benefit their country more, by attending with diligence to their several callings, than by intermeddling with public affairs. In answer to this objection it may be said, that all, which is demanded of any voter, is to give to elections a few hours of a small number of days in a year. It may also be said, that the industrious are generally the most judicious, sober, and orderly members of the community. They ought therefore to attend elections, which otherwise might be conducted by the idle.

Another objection is, that although it is the theory of our government, that all power is derived from the whole body of the people, yet that the fact is different : because nominations are, and from the nature of things, must of necessity be, previously made by men, who either with, or without, right and reason, take this part on them; consequently all that any citizen can do is to give either his affirmative or negative to such nomination, without being able in many instances to vote for a person, whom he judges the best qualified for the proposed office; and that his power is of so little value, that it is not worth exercising. This objection, it must be acknowledged, is of weight; but in answer to it I would say, that if the fact, on which it is founded, is an evil, it is an evil, which admits of no remedy. If every person in the community, without regard to a previous nomination, should vote only for the man, who in his opinion would fill an office with the most wisdom and dignity, there are few cases in which an election could take