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cipally by the Natives. A corresponding increase had also taken place in our exports of hardware, earthenware, and of cotton twist. In the three first months of this year, viz., January, February, and March, we had exported 106,953 lbs. of cotton twist; and of calicos, cambrics, &c., 3,637,582 yards, clearly shewing that the export was progressively augmenting, notwithstanding the period had been one of considerable commercial difficulty, and not very favourable to extended commerce. In 1828, the exports to India amounted to 4,300,000l., which, in fact, exceeded the Company's exports seven fold, for the same year, having all India open to them. Yet in their reports they inform us, that they lose by their exports of British manufactures, and that they only continue the trade for the benefit of the country, and with certain loss to the Company. If, gentlemen, such is the fact, we can only account for it, by the lavish manner in which they conduct every branch of their trade. Had such been the result to the private trader, we should not have had the amazing increase before stated. Since 1814, the period when the trade was partially opened, the imports of sugar have increased ten-fold, of which the Company imported one-fifth, yet in 1823, they state that they had lost 50 per cent. by the part they had imported. In 1819, Singapore was taken possession of by the British, and made an open port; in 1827, the imports were 13,387,185 sicca rupees, with a corresponding export. Since 1819, America has had an increasing trade to the East Indies and to China, yet the British merchant has not been allowed to trade to the latter, and only to the former, surrounded and encumbered with restrictions. The East India Company would have us also believe that even by their trade to China, they are losers. In 1821, they say, 'by our exports of British manufacture to China, we lose annually, upon an average of 26 years, 64,000l.; all our efforts to introduce British manufactures have totally failed, and no new article has been exported during the last twenty years.' How can such a statement be supported? The facts before enumerated plainly show that they can be introduced, and to a great extent, if we can only be allowed to make the experiment. The obstructions offered to the private trader by the Company, were most obnoxious and unjust, no Englishmen being allowed to reside at a greater distance than ten miles from the Presidencies, he could not travel into the interior without leave, and if he offended in any degree he was liable to banishment without trial, and all his prospects in life ruined. It was not right that the trade of the country should be carried on in this cramped manner; it almost rendered it a curse rather than a blessing. In 1814 the total exports of the Company were 870,000l.; from 1813 to 1823, they averaged only 680,000l.-contrast this with the exports of 1828. The monopoly of tea trade was shameful; the inhabitants of this country were taxed not less than 2,500,000l., to support the present system, and tea could be purchased by our continental neighbours full 100 per cent. cheaper (duty free) than the East India Company chose to supply the consumers in this country. The debt of the Company in 1792, amounted to seven millions; it soon after reached twenty-five millions, and has since greatly increased, notwithstanding their revenue amounts to the enormous sum of 23,000,000l. annually. So lavish is the expenditure of the Company, that I am not surprised that their trade should not answer, when a single pound of cotton twist cost 50 per cent. more by the Company's ships than by the free trader; and if it goes through the agents of the Company's hands, before it reaches the consumer, it is enhanced 150 per cent. For these reasons, gentlemen, I have only to say, that the resolution has my most cordial assent, and I trust it will be equally well received by this meeting.

J. GREG, Esq. then rose, and spoke to the following effect:-It is with, Oriental Herald, Vol. 22.

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the greatest pleasure, but with feelings of extreme inefficiency, that I come forward to add my feeble voice to the opinions of the gentlemen who have preceded me; and, after the forcible manner in which they have urged the importance of opening the trade to the East, it is unnecessary for me to say much on the subject. It does, however, appear most curiously absurd, that a nation of twenty millions of people, most of whom have been brought into existence through the genial influence of commerce and manufactures ―a nation which has been raised to its present elevation of greatness wealth, and civilizaton, by its commerce with half of the globe, should lay the hand of prohibition on any intercourse with the other half. While we are forcing our fabrics into the deserts and wilds of America—while we are endeavouring to form commercial treaties with central Africa--and while Russian merchants struggle across the vast plains of Tartary, to supply the Mandarins with English manufactures, our wise institutions deny us the power of trading to India, along that great high road, with which heaven has so beneficially furnished us. There is a consideration connected with this subject, which I doubt not you will agree with me in considering of great importance. We have assumed the reins of government over a most extensive empire, containing a population equal to that of the half of Europe; and I conceive we are bound to impart to the Natives the advantages of British institutions and civilisation, and the blessings of the Christian religion. It appears to me, that the best way of effecting this, is by forming commercial establishments through every part of this vast peninsula; and, upon the foundation of those feelings of good-will and mutual dependence, which commercial intercourse will ever produce, gradually to raise the superstructure of the moral and political improvement of India. We must all feel it a disgrace that, at present, the Christian religion, so far from being encouraged, or even intolerated, is persecuted and opposed by a company of Christian merchants. Mr. Greg concluded by moving the next resolution.

Mr. Alderman NOTTAGE, in seconding the resolution, said that nothing he could say, would add weight to the able observations which had already been made.

Mr. GREGSON then addressed the meeting as follows:-I had a resolution put into my hands on entering the room, but I am not at all prepared to enlarge upon the merits of the question before this meeting, nor, indeed, is it necessary; the gentlemen who have preceded me having fully, and I think satisfactorily, stated the propriety of adopting the proposed measure. On the China trade, I take leave to make a short observation. It is a wellknown fact, that British capital is employed in a foreign country, and in foreign shipping in a lucrative trade to China; whilst British merchants and British ships are strictly excluded from any participation in it. It is not the employment of British capital in this way, that is most to be regretted; it is to this nation a more serious grievance, that the marine of a foreign power and her seamen are augmented, whilst the ships of our own nation remain unemployed, and a check is put to the nursery and rearing of British seamen. If this system is so continued, where are we to look for British seamen when the time comes that we want to man 'old England's wooden walls?' I think it is quite necessary that the sentiments of this country, upon so important a question, should be made known. W. HINDE, Esq. seconded the resolution.

The petition was then read by the Town-Clerk, and was as follows:

To the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled,

'The merchants, manufacturers, traders, and other of the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Lancaster, in the County Palatine of Lancaster,

Humbly prayeth,

"That the trade to China, and the interior of India may be thrown open at the earliest possible period. That the monopoly of tea may be abolished. That the right of his Majesty's subjects to settle in India may be established by law. That the power of banishment without trial, and the conviction of a defined offence may no longer be allowed; and that enquiry may be instituted forthwith into the present condition of all regions within the limits of the East India Company's Charter, in order that such measures may be adopted as shall speedily develope the resources of those countries, and most effectually promote the welfare of the inhabitants.

And your Petitioners will ever pray,' &c.

Mr. ESKRIGGE, in moving the adoption of the petitions by the meeting, observed that much had been said, and well said, and he would add, without fear of contradiction, that there was not a British subject who must not see the necessity of laying open the trade. The agriculturist, as well as the manufacturer, was in distress, and why? because of the weight of taxes. He was unable to go on although he possessed sufficient capital. The reason was, that he had no market for his goods; or, if he had, he must sell to disadvantage. He was convinced that the time had arrived when the East India Company's charter ought to be set aside. When the charter was granted there were few enlightened merchants, and little capital, but now, he thanked God, there were both.

Mr. JAMES CRUSFIELD Seconded the resolution.

E. HORNBY, Esq. said he had the satisfaction of proposing the last resolution, which he was convinced would be received with pleasure by the meeting; for all would bear testimony to the honourable conduct of the worthy Mayor in so promptly calling the meeting, and the zeal and attention he had displayed in the chair. (Cheers.)

This concluded the business of the meeting.

The petitions then received a number of signatures, and are now lying at the Town Hall to enable those who have not yet signed to do so.

From The Dublin Journal.'

We are glad to find that Ireland appears at length to be roused on the important subject of the East India Monopoly. We have not time this day to offer any extended observations on the subject. We request, however, the particular attention of the public to the following Petition of the Dublin Chamber of Commerce. We suppose the example will be followed by every other Mercantile Body in Ireland :

To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled.

The Humble Petition of the Chamber of Commerce of the City of Dublin, 'SHEWETH,-That as the period approaches when the question connected with the expiration of the Charter of the East India Company, must come under the consideration of your Honourable House, your Petitioners, in concurrence with the Mercantile and Manufacturing Classes in other parts of the United Kingdom, beg leave to express their conviction, that the commerce and manufactures, and consequently the general interests of the British Empire, could not fail to derive incalculable advantages from the removal of the existing restrictions on the trade with the East Indies and China.

That with respect to an East Indian trade, your Petitioners conclude, that such would be the necessary consequence of a free commercial intercourse with a vast and populous region, abounding in natural wealth, and possessing the capacity of yielding, in unlimited quantities, the principal materials of European manufacturea capacity which requires only to be improved by the unrestricted application of individual intelligence and adequate capital, to be brought into a state of the most beneficial activity. That the new and extensive markets, which there is reason to expect, would thus be opened for the products of British industry and for the employment of British capital, enterprise and skill, would powerfully contribute, not only to raise the commercial and manufacturing prosperity of the Empire, but to establish it on a firm and more permanent basis thau has hitherto been found practicable-for your Petitioners humbly submit, that in the great and growing consumption of British commodities by British subjects, which such an intercourse could scarcely fail to create, the best provision would be made against the unfriendly or mistaken regulations of other States, or the want of a demand for our manufactured articles commensurate with the national powers of production, and the best security would consequently be obtained against the recurrence of the ruinous fluctuations and reverses to which the commercial and manufacturing interests of these countries have of late years been so exceedingly liable.

That with reference to the trade with China, your Petitioners humbly submit that the monopoly of tha trade, exercised by the East India Company, in virtue of their Charter, is alike unjust in its principle, and impolitic in its consequencesit limits commercial enterprise, excludes British subjects from any participation in an extensive and lucrative commerce, open to every other people besides, and by raising the price of tea (an article of universal use, the duty on which is proportionate to its official cost) far beyond its intrinsic value, it has the effect of materially aggravating the burden of national taxation.

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That your Petitioners entertain a sanguine expectation that Ireland, by the gradual development of her resources, and the progressive improvement of her commerce and manufactures, will, at no distant period, be qualified to enjoy a direct participation in the benefits of an Eastern traffic; but, in the mean time, your Petitioners are deeply sensible, that bound as she is by indissoluble ties, and a common interest to the sister kingdom, nothing can either advance or depress the prosperity of the one without affecting, with a correspondent influence, the condition of the other.

'Wherefore your Petitioners humbly pray, that your Honourable House will consider the subject of the Charter of the East India Company, with a view to the speedy and effectual removal of every injurious restriction on the trade with the East Indies and China, and that until that desirable purpose is effected, every practicable arrangement may be made to enlarge and facilitate the general commerce, now carried on with those countries.' And your Petitioners will ever pray,' &c.

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From The Liverpool Times.'

The important subject of the India and China Trade has now been twice brought under the serious consideration of the House of Commons, and once under that of the House of Lords. The immediate object of Mr. Whitmore in his motion, and of the great towns of the kingdom in their petitions, namely, the appointment of a Committee of inquiry this Session, has not been attained; but the attention of Government has been powerfully drawn to the subject,-a promise has been obtained that an inquiry shall be instituted next session, which Ministers will facilitate by providing all necessary documentary evidence,-and Members of Parliament, and the country at large, have been apprised, in the most efficient manner, of the great and interesting discussion that is approaching. We think, with Mr. Huskisson, that the labours of a Committee, even for a

single month, during the present session, would have been highly useful, by effectively engaging many members in the investigation of this extensive subject, and still more by enabling them to draw up a scheme of the best course of inquiry, and to send out to India for the information they may want. This would have been much more satisfactory to the country than the promise of Ministers to furnish the requisite information. If the evidence obtained by the latter, should be thought defective by the Committee, it will be too late to supply the defect next session.

The speeches of Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Whitmore, contain very striking details of facts with regard to the India and China trade. They confirm the views and statements presented by several of our merchants at the public meeting in this town. The importance of giving the widest circulation to these facts, is proved by the extravagant absurdities which Mr. Astell, the Chairman of the East India Directors, attempted to impose upon the House. This gentleman would, at once, have swept away the grounds on which the opening of the trade, both to China and to the East Indies is called for, by asserting, 1st. That tea was not only cheaper, but 'infinitely cheaper,' in England than on the Continent of Europe or in America! and 2dly. That the private trade from England to India had not increased between the years 1816 and 1827! To the first of these assertions the pricecurrents of Hamburgh, Holland, and New York afford the most decisive contradiction, by showing that tea is at little more than half the price in those markets that it fetches at the sales of the East India Company; and though the Company's teas may possibly be better than teas of the same nominal qualities sold in other countries—a fact which we by no means admit, except for argument's sake-it is impossible there should be such a difference in the quality, as to account for more than a small part of the difference in price. We know that gentlemen, resident in America, who have visited England, as well as English merchants who have travelled in America, represent the tea usually drunk in that country as superior to the monopoly-flavoured tea of England. There is no good reason why it should not be at least equal; for though the Company have a monopoly in England, they have none in Canton; and if the American merchant has money or broad cloth in his hands, he may purchase as fine teas for the wealthy bourgeois of New York and Philadelphia, as can be had for the aristocracy of England. But, in fact, Mr. Astell's piece of extravagance destroys his own case; for if the Company can import teas 'infinitely cheaper' than the private traders of Holland and America, why should he object to throw open the trade, and thus convince our merchants, by actual experience, of their inability to cope, in economy and good management, with the Honourable Company? The Director's asse.tion, that the private trade to India has not increased since the year 1816 is most delusive. It was correctly stated by Mr. Whitmore, that the exports from Great Britain to the East Indies and China were, on the average, in the years from 1790 to 1795, 2,520,8217. per annum, and in the years from 1808 to 1812, only 1,748,3407. per annum-showing a gradual and considerable decline. All this time the East India Company had an entire monopoly of both those markets; but in 1814 the trade to India was partially opened, and what was the effect? From 1814 to 1819, the average amount of exports to those countries was 2,118,446/.; and from 1820 to 1825 the average was 4,028,516l.; in 1826 it was 4,877,133/.; and in 1827, 5,891,102/. Thus, since the private trade was opened, the exports have increased more than threefold; and the man who should assert that the increase is not attributable to the private trade, must be either interested or an idiot.

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