It is evident that the East India Company and their friends will endeavour to perplex the subject in every possible way, and the real difficulties which attend the political branch of it will afford them great opportunities of doing so. Whether the Company shall be altogether abolished,-or shall be allowed to govern Hindoostan, its commercial monopoly only being destroyed; if it remains the governing power, what security Englishmen are to have for free intercourse and free settlement;—or, if the government is transferred to the Crown, how the enormous influence which it would give to a Minister, is to be controlled and prevented from destroying the independence of Parliament :-these are questions of the utmost moment, and of great difficulty. We do not see, however, that any of these difficulties interfere with the right of the people of this country to a free commercial intercourse with the East Indies and China. This right is so clear, and the advantages that would accrue from its exercise, both to Great Britain and to Asia, are so vast and apparent, that we hope the entire abolition of the Company's monopoly will be an indispensable feature of any mode of adjusting the question. As to the political part of the subject, it is shown, by all experience, that a mercantile body form the worst possible governors of any country; and especially a mercantile body in a distant land, whose only interest is to draw from the people the largest amount of revenue.

The duty of the people of this country clearly is to press upon Parliament their unquestionable right to a free participation in the trade to the East, and we trust they will do this with an energy and unanimity which shall overpower the influence of the Company. The political branch of the question may be left to the Legislature. The Committee on the India and China trade, in this town, has acted on the principle of pursuing the commercial object, without meddling with questions of government; and we hope all the other mercantile bodies will act in the same way,-directing their undivided and earnest exertions to the attainment of a free trade with the East, and diligently pursuing all the means that are calculated to promote that end.

Mr. WHITMORE brought forward his motion pursuant to notice, for the appoinment of a Committee to inquire into the state of trade between Great Britain, India, and China. The honourable gentleman entered into an elaborate discussion of the subject; and showed, by the unanswerable logic of stern indisputable facts, that the East India Company's monopoly has been-and so long as it is tolerated, must of necessity be-productive of evils of the greatest magnitude, both to this country and to the population of our Eastern possessions.

The advocates of the princes of Leadenhall-Street affirmed, with the utmost confidence, prior to the renewal of the Company's charter in 1813, that, even although the trade between this country and India were thrown open, without any restrictions whatever, there would be no additional export of articles of British manufacture to that empire. But how stands the fact? It stands in such a position as to furnish the most conclusive proof, that these advocates of the Company's monopoly are neither prophets nor the sons of prophets. In consequence of the very partial opening up of the trade which took place between Britain and India on the renewal of the charter at the period referred to, our export of articles of British manufacture, to the East, have materially and steadily increased. Mr. Whitmore showed, that, from the year 1795, down till 1813, the year in which a

renewal of the charter was obtained, there was a decrease in the export of our manufactured articles in the following ratio :

In 1795 the official value of the exports to India was 2,500,000l.; from 1796 to 1801 it averaged 2,300,000l.; from 1802 to 1807, 2,100,000l.; from 1808 to 1812, 1,700,000l.

Now, let this important fact be contrasted with another equally momentous, and susceptible of the clearest demonstration,-namely, that since the partial opening up of the trade between this country and India immediately subsequent to the renewal of the charter in the year 1813, the increase in the export of our manufactured articles to our vast possessions in the East, has been as follows:

From 1814 (the returns for 1813 were burned in the Custom House,) the period when the private trade commenced, to 1819, 2,100,000l.; from 1820 to 1825, 4,000,000l.; and from 1825 to 1827, 5,800,000l.

The Company's advocates, both in and out of Parliament, may still continue to sport prophecies, express opinions, and deal largely in positive affirmations, that Britain would not derive the slightest advantage from the opening up of a free unrestricted commercial intercourse between it and India and China; but so long as the facts to which we have just referred remain uncontroverted-and if they are controvertible they should set about their demolition immediately-the nation will not fail to perceive what degree of credit ought to be attached to these prophecies, opinions, and affirmations.

But the advocates of monopoly resist any presumptuous interference with the charter of the Company, on the ground that an unlimited commercial intercourse with India would be of no advantage whatever to that country: they have, with the utmost gravity, assumed the character of philosophers and philanthropists of the first order, and made the splendid discovery-one certainly which no individual ever pretended to have made before them-that the simple circumstance of Europeans mixing with the Native population of India, would be productive of the most mischievous consequences to the latter. And as the philosophy of the Company's advocates has been sufficiently profound to make this novel and singular discovery, their philanthropy has inspired them with a determination to oppose with the utmost strenuousness, any attempt to subject the Natives of India to an evil of such fearful-such appalling magnitude, as the introduction of Europeans to our Eastern possessions.

Really there is no opponent with whom we feel a greater reluctance to grapple, than the man, who, with an air of authority, advances positions so thoroughly absurd, as grossly to outrage every principle of common sense. We hold that those who are capable of annunciating the position in question, legitimately come under this condemnation;' and when we see it stated, with the utmost apparent seriousness, we involuntarily put the question to ourselves, can the man who brings it forward possibly feel convinced of its truth? We appeal to any individual in the country who has any perception whatever of what is right and what is wrong, whether a position so preposterous as this was ever before submitted to the world. The settlement of Europeans, civilized and Christianized, among the barbarous Natives of India, will be productive of evils of the greatest magnitude to the latter! We will not-we cannot bring ourselves to attempt a serious refutation of so monstrous a proposition. Absurdity in the abstract is written in legible characters on its very face. Could mankind by possibility swallow it, what a glorious recipe would it constitute for the indefinite perpetuation of gross idolatry, superstition, barbarism! Happy was it for

168

Public Meetings on the East India Company's Monopoly.

our British ancestors, and happy is it for us, that those to whom we are indebted for the introduction of civilization and Christianity into this country, did not adopt the creed of the advocates of Leadenhall-Street.

From the remarks which fell from the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the discussion of Mr. Whitmore's motion, it is very doubtful whether the ministry have any intention of making the abolition of the East India Company's monopoly, a government measure. The ministry seem, in fact, to be quite perplexed as to what course they ought to pursue in reference to the subject. The side to which their principles and prejudices would incline them, is sufficiently obvious; but then they see public opinion decidedly opposed to them-they see it daily gathering in strength-and without any extraordinary infusion of the prophetic spirit, they can plainly perceive it will speedily acquire such a force, that resistance to it would be impolitic in the extreme-would, perhaps, be utterly ruinous to the country.

Still it is, as has been just remarked, exceedingly doubtful whether Government will or will not put forth its omnipotent hand for the abolition of this obnoxious monopoly. The country, if it be true to its own interests, must trust to its own persevering, energetic, united exertions, and not to the interference of the powers that be' for the completion of an object so devoutly to be wished. If assisted in the matter by the Government, it is well; and our task will be of incomparably more easy accomplishment; but even though the ministry should be neutral on the subject, or even though they should warmly espouse the cause of Leadenhall-Street, let us show to them-let us convince the world, that there is an intelligence, an independence, and spirit in the British character, which are capable of demolishing the strong-holds of illiberality, oppression, and injustice.

Once more we feel the most anxious solicitude to impress on the minds of our countrymen, the necessity of persevering and increased exertion in order to the success of a cause which involves in it, whether regarded in a civil or religious light, the best interests of more than three millions of people,-independently of its bearings on the prosperity and happiness of our own country. We do not now call on the British community to think on the subject; nor is it necessary to occupy our space in elaborate argumentation in respect to it. Fortunately a great portion of the intelligent and influential among our countrymen are beginning to comprehend its details, and to feel convinced of its importance; and from the impulse which has been recently given to the public mind in regard to it, by one gentleman-Mr. BUCKINGHAM-the great majority of the more intelligent of the British community will, ere the lapse of a few months, be able to understand it in all its various bearings. The success or non-success, therefore, of this momentous cause, we regard as principally, if not entirely dependent on the manner in which we speak and act in regard to it. The dying injunction of the immortal Nelson to his men, in reference to another subject, may not be inappropriately quoted in relation to this, Britain expects every man to do his duty.'

PETITONS AND DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT ON THE TRADE with INDIA AND CHINA.

House of Lords, Tuesday, June 2.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE.-Seeing the Noble Lord, the President of the Board of Control, in his place, I wish to call his attention to the notice which I gave some weeks ago of my intention, if no papers were laid upon the table by his Majesty's Government, with respect to that most important question, the state of the trade to the East Indies, to call for such information, before the end of the Session, as might put the House in complete possession of those materials, which are so necessary for it to possess, with a view to form a right and mature judgment on the question of the renewal of the Charter to the East India Company. I, therefore, take this opportunity of asking the Noble Lord, whether it is the intention of the Government to lay such papers on the table of the House? and I shall be glad to learn that his Majesty's Government propose to do so, it certainly not being my wish to move for them, unless obliged, being perfectly persuaded that Ministers will be able to lay on the table a most complete series of papers than I, having but little acquaintance with the information they possess on the subject, could be prepared to move. If I find that it is not the intention of his Majesty's Government to give any information on the subject to the House, I shall feel it my duty to call for the production of certain papers.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH.-I certainly had hoped to be able, by this time, to lay on the table of the House, by his Majesty command, the fullest information relating to the trade to the East Indies; but the papers were not in a perfect state. I, therefore, thought it would be better to allow two or three days to elapse before presenting the papers, than to present them in an imperfect condition.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE.-I give notice, that on Thursday next, I shall present a variety of petitions on the subject.

Friday, June 5.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH laid on the table (by his Majesty' command) papers relating to the trade with India and China, including information respecting the consumption, prices, &c. of tea, in foreign countries.-Ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE.-I rise, in pursuance of the notice which I have given, to present petitions from some of the most important commercial towns of this country; and from one, which, in a commercial point of view, may be considered the first city in the world, on the subject of the trade to the East Indies. It is not my intention on the present, as it was not my intention on a former occasion, when I presented a petition on the same subject, to anticipate, in any degree, the discussion of those important questions which, directly or indirectly, arise out of the matter contained in these petitions; but I am desirous of presenting these important petitions this day, when the Noble Lord at the head of the Board of Control, acceding to the wish expressed in your Lordships' House on a former occasion, has, by his Majesty's command, laid on the table of your Lordships' House a mass of documentary evidence which, together with some further evidence which I am informed will shortly be prepared and laid on the table, will present to your Lordships that information on which you will have to determine, with respect to those most important questions contained in the petitions I shall have the honour to lay on the table of the House. If that information should be complete-and I have no reason to doubt that it will be complete-it will comprise an entire view of the territorial and commercial revenue of the East India Company; of the trade between the possessions of the East India Company and the United Kingdom; of the private trade of merchant-adventurers from this country to the dominions of the East India Company; of the trade of merchants of other parts of the world with the East Indies; of the exclusive trade enjoyed by the East India Company with the dominions of the Emperor of China; and, as far as can be obtained, a view of

the trade enjoyed by other countries with China, not governed by the same rules, or confined by a similar monopoly, as this country.

On all these subjects, I trust that the House will gain complete information, before proceeding to legislate on these important questions; but it is my duty to say, in calling your Lordships' attention to the subject in the present early stage of the proceeding, that when your Lordships have obtained all that information in figures, and all those facts which the Board of Control, under the superintendence of the Noble Lord opposite, will be able to produce for the information of the House, you will be masters of but a small portion of the question which you will have to pronounce upon, in providing for the future government of India; for, in a commercial point of view, and independent of the more exalted feelings of humanity and duty, which make it binding on your Lordships to provide for the future happiness and good government of the people of India, I am convinced, that on the measures which your Lordships will be enabled to take in your wisdom, and with the concurrence of the other House of Parliament, for securing to that people the benefits of good internal Government, will depend the value of those commercial relations which are hereafter to subsist between this country and that extensive portion of the world. I desire, however, not to be mistaken on this subject. I am not so wild as to sup pose that it is in the power of your Lordships to confer on that vast population the benefits of a free Government, similar to that enjoyed by the people of this country; but, short of those blessings, there are the first principles of government, the right of property and an equal administration of justice, upon the due maintenance of which in those extensive countries must depend that encouragement to industry, that gradual approach to civilization, that elevation of the moral character of the inhabitants of those nations, which are necessary to create not only their prosperity and happiness, but, what would be an advantage to us in a commercial point of view, the consumption by them of our manufactures, and the causing them to enter into salutary relations with this country.

It is only by collecting information, and by studying the principles of all good government, and applying them to what your Lordships find to be the particular condition of the population of the East Indies, that you will be able to come to a safe and sound conclusion; and I, feeling as I do the immense importance and difficulty of the subject, cannot but conjure your Lordships, on whom this task has devolved, to lose no time in considering the question, though not having certainly all the information that is desirable, for not many of your Lordships can possess information derived from local inspection of that distant country; but I conjure your Lordships to take advantage of all the information you can derive from others to consider the subject in your own minds during the recess, in order to come prepared next Session of Parliament to discuss it, not as a dry arithmetical subject, but to consider it upon higher principles, and as one which must have a most material influence on the future prosperity of this country, and that of those vast dominions which fortune has committed to our charge. These few words I have thought it my duty to say on the present occasion. It is not now my intention to enter into a discussion of the important question contained in the petitions I shall shortly present; but I beg that the petition from the commercial interest of Liverpool, which I shall present first, and which will be followed up by petitions from other towns only inferior in importance to Liverpool in a commercial point of view, be read at length.

The petition was accordingly read at length.

The same Noble Marquis also presented petitions praying for the opening of the trade with India, from the merchants, manufacturers, and inhabitants of Wolverhampton: and from the Chamber of Commerce, Dublin, which was ordered to . be received as the petition of Robert Roe, Esq., the Secretary, who alone had signed it.

On the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, the Report relative to the trade with the East Indies and China from the Select Committee appointed to inquire into the means of extending and securing the foreign trade of the country, together with the minutes of evidence, in Sessions 1820 and 1821, and the Appendix, were ordered to be reprinted, and an Index to be prepared and printed therewith.