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We have already seen that those who most frequently attacked this discouraging philosophy were known as avowed infidels. The truth is, the tone assumed by many of this conservative school was such, that very few could venture to attack it without risk of being called infidels. Note the extreme care which runs throughout the work entitled, "Hampden in the XIX. Century," in which the author, evidently strongly imbued with enlarged feelings of humanity, and anxious to enter upon the career of investigation and reform, is but too apprehensive that Christianity and humanity cannot be reconciled. Southey, in his "Progress of Society," availing himself of the conversational form in which it is written, takes both sides, the hopeful and hopeless, and gives no decided opinion, although his writings generally show his sympathies were strongly on the side of humanity. Dr. Chalmers was bold enough to break this barrier of truth, and, in spite of all the influences bearing on the path of reform and free expression, he not only said what he thought, but did what he could. Hear him, in 1819, addressing an assemblage in Glasgow, met on the subject of the schools for the poor, got up and endowed by his exertions:

"Here will I prophesy, if the world is to stand, there will be a great amelioration in the life of general humanity. The labouring classes are destined to attain a far more secure place of comfort and independence in the commonwealth than they have ever yet occupied; and this will come about, not as the fruit of any victory gained on the arena of angry and discordant politics, but far more surely, as the result of growing virtue and intelligence and worth among the labourers themselves. I trust, the day is coming, when humble life will be dignified both by leisure and literature when many a lettered sage, as well as many an enlightened Christian, will be met with, even in the very lowest walks of society; when the elements of science and philanthropy and high scholarship, will so ripen throughout the general mind of the country, as to exalt it prodigiously above the level of its present character and acquirements." ""*

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Many works have appeared within the last ten years, which show that the question of human well-being is falling by degrees within the public domain. Apprehension is wearing off, the friends of humanity are growing bolder, Christians are extending their vision over a wider field, and beginning to be ashamed of leaving the championship of humanity so much to infidels. To this result the efforts of Robert Hall and Thomas Arnold contributed their full share: the latter was, however, far ahead of the former in his appreciation of questions

*Life of Chalmers, by the Rev. Wm. Hanna, 2d vol. p. 250, Am. Ed.

involving the interests of the human race. In answer to the question, "What is the progress spoken of?" Arnold replied, "It is in the application of Christianity to human things,-the progress in this is as endless as the progress from our imperfection to perfection can be.”*

Besides the later works enumerated in our catalogue above, some of which go freely into the question of the improvement of the labouring classes, is one which deserves a special mention,-"The Philosophy of Necessity, or the Law of Consequences as applicable to Mental, Moral, and Social Science, by Charles Bray." This work, though far from being elaborate, when the extent of its scope is considered, is yet highly deserving, as a direct attempt to open up the subject of the "science of man," and spread its topics before the world in logical order. We are not prepared to furnish an appreciation of a work of so much thought, but deem it worth while to give some indication of its contents.

"The object of the work is to inquire into the nature and constitution of man: to ascertain his place in creation, the object and aim of his existence, and the boundaries of his mind:-'to vindicate the ways of God to man,' by tracing the law of consequences, and pointing to the good of evil: to inquire what sanction nature affords to morality, or what obligation she lays us under to regard the happiness of others: to analyze the present constitution of society: to trace the cause of its numerous evils: to suggest a remedy, and to show how we may best avail ourselves of our present knowledge and power, to live together in the most happy manner possible."+

In the body of his work the author classes his subject under the three main divisions,-MENTAL SCIENCE, MORAL SCIENCE, and SOCIAL SCIENCE. Under the head of MENTAL SCIENCE, he treats of the mental faculties, animal feelings, social feelings, moral sentiments, external senses, perceptive faculties, and reasoning faculties; the origin of our knowledge, and the adaptation of the intellectual faculties to the external world; belief; truth; the connection of the mind with organization ; and the subjects of materialism, consciousness, ideality, and association. Under the head of MORAL SCIENCE, we have philosophical necessity, the doctrine of which he derived from Edwards's "Inquiry into Freedom of Will," and its application to responsibility, praise and blame, reward and punishment, virtue and vice; the origin, objects, and advantages of evil; pain considered as the most effective

* Miscellaneous Works, Am. Ed. p. 441.
† In two volumes, 8vo., London, 1811.

Preface.

guardian of that system of organization upon which happiness depends; pain necessary as a stimulus to action; evils consequent upon the varieties of condition among mankind; death. Morality, pain and pleasure, man in relation to external objects; man in relation to his fellow-man. Under the head of SOCIAL SCIENCE, he treats of the present condition of society, division of society, annual income of the kingdom and its distribution, income of the working classes and its expenditure, condition of the working classes. Measures proposed for the amelioration of the condition of the people,-governmental reform, free-trade, emigration, education, religion. Causes of the poverty of the working classes, social reform, summary, &c.

We mention this work as a bold and well-sustained attempt to take up the subject of human welfare on its own merits. It is readily seen that the prevalent theories of political economy have had little room in the mind of the author. We can easily perceive that, labouring under the prevailing error of estimating the value and importance of Christianity through the medium of the conduct of Christians, he did not comprehend the true relations of religion with his subject. This error, so common and so fatal to the progress of correct notions, is equivalent to ascertaining the constitution and laws of a nation by the conduct of the people, instead of comparing the conduct of a people with their written constitution and laws.

Mr. Bray is the author of a very useful book as a help in these studies," An Outline of the Various Social Systems and Communities which have been founded on the Principle of Co-operation: London, 1846." In this he briefly indicates, under more than sixty heads, some of the more prominent schemes of reform and co-operation, from early to modern times; such as Crete, Sparta, Peru, Egypt, the Essenes, Early Christians, Moravians, Shakers, Rappites, Godwin's, St. Simon's, and Owen's Systems, Poor Colonies of Holland, Socialism, Fourierism, Hofwyl, Port Royal: the various Utopists, Plato, More, Bacon, Harrington. This indication of these various plans is confined to exposition and dwells not upon merits or demerits, but is preceded by an introduction on the general subjects, which contains a variety of information on the condition of the working classes in Europe.

Whilst we profess that we are not prepared to give any opinion on the real merits of Mr. Bray's labours, we award him without hesitation the praise of having cast himself freely and unreservedly into a subject so much neglected and so much feared; and of having produced a work which cannot fail to be the precursor of very many more useful than

his own. We are free to say, that we do not feel the necessity, to obtain clear views on this subject, of going beyond the "new commandment" which is delivered to us in the gospel, and fully believe that, if Mr. Bray had set out from that point, he would have obtained clearer views and a more secure resting-place, besides making far greater progress. His imperfect conception of the Christian system, and his mingling Christianity with the conduct of Christians, draws him frequently into trains of remark highly exceptionable; but their freedom, their severity and boldness are extremely instructive; and Christians should accept the merited reproof, even though blended with misapprehension and error. He characterizes the conduct and teaching of Christians who tell the poor and suffering that all the ills of this life are visitations for sin, chastisements for the discipline of the mind and growth in grace,--who separate religion entirely from any consideration of comfort in this world, and postpone all happiness to the next world, by saying that, "in place of the good things which God has given so plenteously, and which he intends equally for all his children, they allow liberally to the poor 'post-obit bills on heaven,'* as a compensation for what the wretched system of society has taken from them here."†

SOME works on these subjects may have escaped our attention. Vast numbers of occasional pamphlets have appeared on the various questions involved, many being of signal value and merit. Among these smaller productions, one which is well worthy of notice is-"The Labouring Classes of England, especially those engaged in Agriculture and Manufactures. By an Englishman. Boston, 1847." This was written by an English factory operative, then residing in this country, and contains views and details of the highest interest. Previous to leaving England, he had been employed by a benevolent nobleman to make inquiries respecting the condition of the poor, and thus had facilities for obtaining correct information. Alton Locke and other similar productions must assist in awakening the English mind. The recent exposition of Mr. Mayhew in the Morning Chronicle, which the author is now swelling into a large work, richly illustrated by engravings, has created a sensation and materially assisted in opening the way to a more general comprehension of facts, and to more just views of the rights and wrongs of the poor.

*This is a mode of payment adopted by expectant spendthrifts, who, being unable or unwilling to pay, give bills or notes, at enormous interest, payable upon the death of a father, or some one from whom a legacy is expected. † Philosophy of Necessity, Vol. II. 375.

THE TREATMENT WHICH THE SUBJECTS OF CHARITY, PAUPERISM, AND LABOUR HAVE MET IN FRANCE. FRENCH WORKS ON THESE AND KINDRED TOPICS.

Our author appears not to have been fully aware that the legislation of France, in regard to the poor, for the past three centuries, has many features in common with the English legislation, which he so justly condemns. They are far indeed from being identical, but in France severe epithets and harsh punishments were inflicted for vagabondage, as well as in England. Viewed in a merely political light-in the aspect of good police-the public authorities of England and France did not originally greatly differ; but, in the administration and publie sentiment which grew out of this legislation, a wide difference arose. The French legislation became, in a great measure, inoperative in its severe features. The English are eminently a law-abiding people; they have shown it as much in the rigid and severe administration of their poor-laws as in any portion of their history. If the law exists, it must be administered: it must not be a dead letter through false sympathy or any mere inefficiency; hence the administration of the poor-laws of England revealed in its progress a scene of brutal hardness of heart, unchristian severity, litigation, and low cunning, disgraceful to human nature and revolting at once to decency and humanity. Such a picture of law-abiding fidelity in a guardian of the poor as that characterized in the extract from Burns's History of the Poor-laws, given in a preceding page, (289,) could never find a parallel in France. The English system became, indeed not so much from its actual enactments as its practical working in English hands, the detestation of Europe. It was regarded by many as the climax of inhumanity and the special disgrace of Protestantism. When epithets failed to brand adequately the horrors of this anti-christian treatment of the poor, it was denominated the English system.

In our reference to the English works on the subject of the poor, the poor-laws, population, &c., we have seen that, almost without exception, they proceed upon the assumed ground that British institutions, religious and political, were all right, and that of course no part of the mischiefs, irregularities, and misery which occurred under them could be charged to that source. And, of course, the elements of the subject were never touched by those who confined their view to such a narrow

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