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4. Talondoga the Indian.
7. Giovanni Ferreti. “It only remains for me to write my own name, said the Supreme Chief with a sad smile. These words excited universal interest. Every Brother was anxious to know the name of the man who had been called by destiny to the Supreme sway of the Brotherhood.
“My father,” he said, “was an Arab, who, cast ashore upon an island in the Mediterranean, was enslaved by a Lord, whose castle is built among the rocks. My mother was a native of the island. As I do not know the name of my father in the Arab tongue, I will—after the manner of slaves over all the world—take the name of the Lord who enslaved
my father. The race of that Lord has become extinct; himself, his children, all his people, were swept away by plague, but the Son of the Arab Slave will perpetuate their name": And beneath the names of the Seven, he wrote the words
“ LEON BUONAPARTE OF CORSICA." His bronzed features grew radiant, his dark eyes gathered new light, as he gazed upon the name.
“Perchance, at some future day,” he said, “ that name of the extinct Italian noble, who built his castle on the rocks of Corsica,—that name now assumed by his Slave, may shake the world, and read to the eyes of Kings, like the handwriting on Belshazzar's wall!”
And raising his right hand which grasped the Golden Medal toward Heaven, he stood motionless as stone, while his eyes, shining with prophetic light, seemed to behold already a World of Slaves, starting from their chains, and building upon the wrecks of Despotism and Superstition the sublime altar of human Brotherhood.
“ The day is breaking, my brothers, and we must separate,” he said, as he took the torch, and drew near the veiled figure once more—“But before you hasten to your stations, in the various regions of the globe, we will meet again. Then,-at our next meeting, which shall not be many days from the present hour-I will reveal to you the regenerated ceremonial of our Brotherhood. Yes, I will reveal to you the new organization of the order, in which the spirit of the Carpenter's Son shall throb and burn, as the life of all life. Armed with this spirit-embodied in ritual and constitution, you will hasten to your various circles, scattered over the surface of the Globe, and swell your divisions of the great Fraternity by new converts, and go on in your great work, until the masses begin to feel that the Spirit of the Carpenter's Son, freed from the body of the leaden Church, walks divinely over the earth, again, speaking to the poor words that are mightier than armies.
“Yes—I anticipate the question which rises to your lips and shines in your eyes.
You ask me, what manner of scene, from the life of the Carpenter's Son, I would embody in the ritual of our order ? The question is not difficult to answer.
"Have you ever heard of the day, when that Carpenter's Son arose in a Nazarene Synagogue, and proclaimed, clad as he was in the gaber
dine of toil, proclaimed in the face of the Rich Man and the Priest, that the Spirit of God was upon him, to preach good tidings to the Poor, liberty to the bound, the good time of Brotherhood to all men?
Or, have you ever heard of the Rich Man, who came one day to the Carpenter's Son, and won by the divine beauty of that Spirit, which shone in his eyes, asked sorrowfully, “Master, what shall I do to inhe . rit eternal life?'
“ The Carpenter's Son looked in the face of the Rich Man, marked his robes of fine linen and purple, and then said in that voice which melted the souls of all who listened to its music,
Sell all thou hast and give to the Poor !! “Such scenes as these we will embody in our ritual, and make the life of our life! Yes, to the Poor, we will preach good tidings, liberty, light! But to the Rich, armed with the Justice of the Carpenter's Son, we will thunder the sentence which God has pronounced upon their heads—Sell all thou hast and give to the poor !! Restore to the mass of mankind the lands which you have stolen from them, and baptized with their blood! Divide among the Poor your ill-gotten gold-give back, give back, in the name of God, your usurped power, and let your tardy Repentance be aided by a strict and universal Restitution!”
The words had not passed his lips, when he dashed the torch upon the ground, and the cavern was enveloped in darkness. By the last ray the Brothers beheld his sunburnt features flashing as with a divine radiance, and through the darkness, they heard him speak, in a low, deep voice, tremulous with unutterable joy
“Then, indeed, shall the Lead become Gold and the sneer be changed into a Smile."
Thus, with much care, have I gathered from the unwritten history of ages, some gleams of the true history of the Brotherhood of the Rosy Cross, otherwise called Rosicrucians. The Prophecy uttered in the shadows of the German cavern, two hundred years ago, is before the reader. It does not become me to say, how far that Prophecy has been fulfilled,-how William Penn, the Apostle, was succeeded by Washington, the Deliverer, or how Robespierre, the stern Prophet of Carnage, prepared the way for Napoleon the Crowned Avenger. The history of Europe, of the world, at this hour, speaks perchance of the coming of the Man, for whom Napoleon prepared the way.
One thing is certain : The French Revolution of 1789 was the work of a Secret Society, sometimes called the Illuminati. Various secret orders, known as Friends of Man, Carbonari, etc., have undermined Europe for the last fifty years. Have these orders been separate, or have they been combined under one Head, united in one Supreme Organization? How far these various orders have been imbued with the ancient ritual and spirit of the Rosy Cross, is not for me to say. The subject demands a volume rather than a brief essay. In conclusion of this note, an undeniable fact may be stated : The ritual of the various secret societies, which have kept the Kings of Europe in terror, for half a century, has, in many cases, been imbued with the spirit and form of the early Christian church. In another work, I propose to lift the veil from the unwritten history of these orders ;--the word in ILLUMINATI”may at last be known in its true meaning, and the Sons of Light recognised as Pioneers and Martyrs in the cause of humanity.
BY FRANCIS C. TREADWELL.
The great and improvident emissions of “ bills of credit,” in the shape of bonds and certificates of stock, which have been put forth, and pressed upon the money markets by many of the states of this Union, seem at length to have awakened a spirit of inquiry, and to have induced reflecting minds to contemplate the probable consequences of such a course of policy.
Have the several states lawful authority to issue such bonds, either to a limited, or to an unlimited amount ?
Will posterity pay those bonds voluntarily?
Have the holders now, or will they ever have, any power or means to enforce the payment of them ?
The bare mention of these questions will indicate to the people of these United States—to the foreign holders of these bonds—and to the friends of free institutions and self-government in all countries,—the weighty and momentous interests which depend on their solution.
First: Have the several states lawful authority to issue such bonds, either to a limited or to an unlimited amount ?
The Constitution of the United States, which is the supreme law of the land, of each and every state separately, as well as of the United States collectively, forbids the states to “emit bills of credit.” If the bonds which the states issue, payable to order, when they loan their credit to banks, railroads, coal companies, and other corporations created by their own legislatures, are “bills of credit,” the question is settled. The states have no right to issue them. That they are bills of credit is manifest upon the face of the several acts authorizing the emission and loan of these bills. They purport to be loans of the credit of the state, and nothing more nor less. Critics may, if they please, object that these bonds are not bills of credit within the meaning of the Constitution. The prohibition in the Constitution is positive, and broad enough to cover every thing in the shape of “bills of credit;" therefore if the state emissions of paper are “ bills of credit” in any sense, in any degree, their emission by the states is strictly forbidden by the supreme law of the land. Conclusive as this position is, there can be no objection to an examination of the grounds on which the advocates for the trade in state bonds or bills of credit rest, for the support of their splendid schemes.
Take for an example the state of New York. If the legislature of this state possess this power, whence did they get it? The constitution
of the state does not pretend to confer it. It is silent upon the subject. Have the people, by implication, given to the legislature in its representative character, such a power? In the first place have they authorized that body to pledge their credit, with or without consideration, even to a limited amount? If so, where is the limit, the restraint? Where the bounds which are not to be passed or exceeded? How much credit may each succeeding legislature appropriate or vote away? Ten thousand? Ten millions? or ten thousand millions!!! They can vote away “the public moneys or property, for local or private purposes,” but can they vote away the credit of the people in the same manner? If so, then each legislature may vote away any or all the credit which the people may at any time have; ay, all they ever will have, and more too. A set of bold speculators in the legislature may thus dispose of the public credit, even at the next session, for a thousand years—for ever. They may take the debt of Great Britain upon the shoulders of the state, and nothing short of a revolution would give relief to the people. If representatives may thus bind for ever the people to redeem their pledges in respect to credit, may they not bind their persons, as well as their property, to redeem those pledges; their lives, as well as their fortunes, and their sacred honor?
This doctrine of loaning credit has nothing to do with republican or democratic government. It has no relationship to the principles of selfgovernment, nor to free government in any conceivable mode or form. Limited monarchy looks upon it with doubt, suspicion, and dismay. It has no resting-place, no home, but in absolute despotism !
Well was it that the framers of the Constitution of the United States prohibited the several states from cutting up their credit into small or large amounts, and emitting it in bills. But the states, indirectly, by chartering banks, and directly, by loans of their credit to banks and other corporations, have disregarded this wise and admonitory restraint upon their action, and are now reaping their reward. Secondly: Will posterity pay those bonds voluntarily?
No one thinks of asking if the present generation will pay them. It seems to be taken for granted that we of this day have enough to do in electioneering for speculators in bank, fancy, and state stocks; in framing schemes for distributing the funds; and in signing the bills and getting them into circulation. Verily this enterprise is likely to prove a heavy task for those who have engaged in it; quite as much as they will be able to perform. The fact, that with all our boasted prosperity, we were borrowers to such an immense amount, in time of peace, strongly indicates, if it does not prove, that we are not the people who are to pay the debt. We have become proverbially a borrowing, and not a paying people. If our posterity are to reverse in themselves our habits, and become a paying people, they ought, as they are born, to be removed from the influence of our example. Otherwise they may not be able to pay the interest, much less the principal of these bonds.
It may be said that the banks, canals, and railroads, which we leave behind us, will yield sufficient profit to extinguish the debt. If the corporations yield enough to pay their expenses, keep their works in repair and their capital unimpaired, without a system of legalized plun